Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1970. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Historians have long been fascinated by the last decade of the nineteenth century. It was in these years that one of the great industrial reform movements arose, spearheaded in much of the West and South by the Populists. It was also a decade in which the nation fought its first foreign war in half a century and forcibly took possession of its first major overseas colonial possessions. Scholars have frequently attempted to discuss the two phenomena in conjunction, but their attempts thus far have been shallow and unsatisfactory. This study examines the Populists of the U.S. West in detail, with a special focus upon the years from 1898 to 1900. Within the first years of the decade, the Populists had developed a substantial following by demanding a reorganization of the national economy for the benefit of small-scale producers and laborers. By 1896, the party formed a vital component of the reform coalition that won most of the elected offices of the region. The Populists and their allies appeared poised to become a substantial force for change, but it was not to be. Wars---the first with Spain over Cuba, the second in the Philippines to quash an independence movement---shifted public attention to other matters. Western Populists and Democrats responded by extending their critique of concentrated wealth to foreign affairs, and they attributed the drive for empire to the demands of financiers and industrialists. Yet by attacking the American war efforts, they laid themselves open to charges of disloyalty. President McKinley and the western Republicans who followed him saw the opportunities provided by the conflicts. They declared that colonies would promote trade and promised that the wealth generated by this commerce would trickle down to all classes. To an even greater degree, they skillfully used the wars to rally support around the nation's soldiers and the "flag." And finally, western Republicans successfully labeled the Populists and Democrats who opposed the wars as traitors and "copperheads." In this way conservatives destroyed the most serious challenge to the American industrial order.

The aim of this paper is to examine the way political parties use populist discourse on social media following a terrorist attack. I analyze what type of populist language is used, and which parties use it, with a theoretical framework of Jagers and Walgrave (2007) and Magin et al. (2024). This is done by studying the 2017 terrorist attack in Sweden as a selected case. All statements regarding the terrorist attack made by a Swedish Member of Parliament on Facebook in the week following the attack are coded into a dataset and the mean value for each party are compared. The main findings are that it is not the beforehand populist-coded party (the Sweden Democrats) that uses the most amount of populist language. It is, however, this party that uses the most anti-elite and exclusion as populist communications. I also argue that terrorism should be seen as a populist issue, meaning statements on this topic contain, on average, more populist characteristics than non-populist issues do. This study is made with a small sample size and I encourage others to recreate this study in i) a bigger scale and ii) other political contexts.

With the rising tensions and strains created by modern America, historians have sought diligently to discover the answers to industrial America's problems. One answer lay in American reform movements, and as the New Deal reforms came under fierce attack in the 1950's, liberal historians sought diligently to give to reform movements historical authenticity.

The current situation in politics is defined by the success of new political parties and movements, which are developed as a result of economic recession combined with European migration crisis. However, can we consider them as extreme right? Are these parties and movements ideologically empty, populist and demagogic or they forming a completely new kind of political groups? This issue interferes with current Western world but also the countries of middle and Eastern Europe. Thus, although it might appear to be a well-known topic, it is worth further research. This thesis is focused on new subjects in the territory of Czech Republic (ÚPD, ÚNK, SPD, BPI, BPi, IMK, 7. Republika, ApČR, ČS). The aim of this thesis is prediction of the future of these subjects in Czech environment and whether or not they could be identified as extreme right. The theoretical framework is extreme right by C. Mudde, the theory of islamophobia by A. Quellien enriched by the view of F. Lopez. Then also the definition of populism by P. Taggart and F. Pianizzo, completed with identification signs by V. Havlík and A. Pinková. In this thesis, quality and quantity content analysis of parties documents, web pages and profiles on Facebook is performed. Also, the author uses semi-structured questionnaires and interviews with chosen...