Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Technology: Public Management, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Corruption has increasingly become a challenging issue that undermines peacebuilding processes. Anti-corruption efforts therefore constitute one of the ways of building and sustaining positive peace. Attempts to combat corruption generally follow one of three strategies which include: developing legal and punitive frameworks, establishing investigative and preventive mechanisms and promoting ethical values-based approaches. The present study has explored corruption in Rwanda and has highlighted the necessity of developing anti-corruption education as a way of combatting corruption. The first part of the study has used focus group discussions and interviews to collect information on corruption in Rwanda while the second part consists of experimental interventions organized to test an anti-corruption education curriculum. It has been realized that Rwanda, if compared with other African countries, has made remarkable progress in terms of fighting against corruption. However, the country still has a long way to go in order to achieve its ambition of building a corruption-free nation. The educational strategies to ensure the promotion of ethical values-based approaches have been found the weakest aspect of the anti-corruptioan campaign in Rwanda. This study has emphasized the necessity of involving children in the combat against corruption. Inspired by the Ubupfura ethical values, which are embedded in Rwandan culture, the study has proposed an anti-corruption curriculum for Rwandan children under the name of Nibakurane Ubupfura. Through the experimental interventions and preliminary evaluation of the curriculum, it has been demonstrated with evidence that the proposed anti-corruption education, applying an Ubupfura model, could significantly contribute to equipping children with the skills needed to disassociate and distance themselves from corrupt practices. With reference to the short-term impact of the experimental intervention conducted in this study, it leaves no doubt that the continous use of this education curriculum will help children to develop attitudes and behaviors that resist corruption. It is argued in this study that an effective campaign against corruption should consider promoting anti-corruption education with the aim of enabling present and future generations to maintain and live out the Ubupfura ethical values. Considering the link between anti-corruption and peacebuilding efforts, as explained in this study, it is underlined that efforts continuously made to raise such generations could undoubtedly move Rwandan society toward sustainable positive peace. / D

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Management Sciences: Public Management, specialising in Peacebuilding, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Post-conflict countries have a range of needs of interventions in the reconstruction efforts. These efforts require immediate, medium and long term interventions. DDR process require the immediate restoration of security which requires demobilization in the both the regular army and armed groups. Demobilized combatants need to be economically and socially re-integrated in their local communities. Therefore governments through demobilization commissions or programmes ensure that ex-combatant is re-integrated as matter of governments’ responsibility. In the specific case of this research, former members of armed groups from DRC and former RDF soldiers all members of an Agricultural cooperative based in Jabana (Kigali City) have been participants to this research which is by nature an action research project aiming most importantly on participation outputs oriented to learning. Before this project, economic, political, social and psychological dimensions among the ex-combatants were frustrating. However, after this project, the following were discovered: Economically, the approaches that have been used allowed ex-combatants to learn basic and necessary skills of creative entrepreneurship while working in corporate setting. Socially, this research discovered that the nature of research requires working in group settings in addition to personal and collective participation toward the attainment of the project’s objectives. Working in group settings is the social cohesion that originates from sharing common goals, interests, successes and failures if any. In addition, group members became best friends among themselves and relied on each other in time of need. At psychological level, ex-combatants have gained self-confidence, self-trust, and removal of past negative clichés that they used to hold against each other. Finally, in the implementation of this research, aspects of peace-building, together with unity and reconciliation and peace-building in its broad term has been witnessed from its outset to the concluding phase of the research. Recommendations were devised; some are formulated towards ex-combatants at individual level and others for RDRP. / D

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Technology: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2015. / One of the major issues following the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 was what to do with the huge number of people (around 100 000) accused of crimes during the genocide. Western legal approaches dealt with a handful of such cases at huge expense but the vast majority of the accused languished in prison. The government decided to employ a modified version of Gacaca - the traditional way of dealing with disputes and lower level crimes at community level. Using a qualitative research methodology and employing focus groups and individual interviews as data collection tools, this research investigate perceptions about the operation of Gacaca in three Rwandan communities, with particular reference to truth, justice, forgiveness and reconciliation. The research suggests that in the three communities, Gacaca was seen as bringing the truth out into the open and to provide a measure of justice, although limitations were noted in both of these respects. Given the enormity of the genocide crimes, however, there seemed to be little progress in the areas of forgiveness and reconciliation. / M

The American Revolution and its aftermath posed the greatest challenge to the institution of slavery since the first Africans landed in Jamestown. Revolutionary defenses of the natural equality of man provided ammunition for generations of men and women opposed to racial subordination while the ideological strains of the struggle sounded the death knell for slavery in Northern states and led significant numbers of Southerners to question the morality and safety of slaveholding. Most importantly, the bloody and chaotic war in the South provided an unprecedented opportunity for slaves to challenge their bondage as tens of thousands of black men and women fled to the British, the swamps, or the relative anonymity of the cities. In examining the “reconstruction” of Southern slavery in the post-Revolutionary decades, Merging social, military, and economic history, "Origins of the Old South" examines how, in the attempt to rebuild their society from the ravages of war, black and white Southerners together created the new and historically distinct slave society of the “Old South.” The first two chapters of the dissertation demonstrate how the struggle to contain the disorders of a civil war amongst half a million enslaved African-Americans transformed the Southern states—the scene of the war’s bloodiest fighting after 1778—into a crucible in which men, land, and debt melted into capital. State governments redistributed thousands of slaves and millions of acres of land to purchase supplies and raise troops from within a weary populace; the estates of many of the South’s most important planters, comprising roughly ten percent of the region’s real and personal wealth, were confiscated and sold at auction at a fraction of their value; and wartime prestige coupled with the departure of prominent loyalists allowed a legion of “new men” to come into control of the new state governments. The result was the ascendance of a new class of merchant planters, who pushed the locus of Southern development inland, and major changes in the contours of black life in the region. The remaining three chapters of the dissertation examine these twinned consequences of the Revolution over the following three decades. Chapter three follows the experience of enslaved men and women after the war, tracing their movement throughout the Atlantic World and across the boundary between slavery and freedom during the conflict. Chapter four then looks at the impact of the region's ill-fated antislavery push during and immediately after the war, while chapter five shows how early national state governments drove slavery's expansion and closed the revolutionary moment in the process.

This dissertation tracks the effects of state recognition across a series of vanishing and emerging social worlds in post-Fukushima Japan. Based upon two years of fieldwork, the dissertation focuses on ethnographic sites at which the failure of state subjectivization activates both a reinvigoration of state discourse, and the formation of counter-discourses within the temporality of Japan’s endless “postwar” (sengo). In so doing, the dissertation seeks to disclose the social violence and iteration of shame as it is mobilized by the state to produce an obedient subject – willing to die for the nation in war – and as the failure to conform precipitates alternate socialities that may be either opposed to or complicit with state interests. The ethnographic sites of which I write concentrate on: the compulsory enactment of propriety in public school ceremonies, and the refusal by teachers to stand for, bow to the “national flag” (kokki), and sing the “national anthem” (kokka), the self-same imperial symbols under which Japan conducted World War II; a group of Okinawan construction workers in the old day laborer district of Tokyo, Sanya; the stigmatized “radical” (kageki) leftist student organization, the Zengakuren; the “internet right-wing” (netto uyoku) group, the Zaittokai, whose street protests are performed live before a camera; and “Fukushima,” where the charge of guilt has short-circuited memories of the Japanese state sacrificing its citizens during World War II. As a foil for the remaining ethnographic sites, the obviousness of giving “respect” (sonchō) to state symbols in public school ceremonies discloses the formation of subjects in a constitutive misrecognition that eliminates – or kills – difference in the enactment of social totality. A veritable stain on which the Japanese state drive to war was dependent, the singular figure of the sitting teacher formed part and parcel of what rightist politicians referred to as the “negative legacy” (fu no rekishi) of World War II. S/he constituted the object of an overcoming that – alongside the Okinawan construction worker, the “radical” (kageki) leftist, the “resident foreigner” (zainichi) as object of Zaittokai hate speech, and “Fukushima” – at once marked the ground of intensification and failure of state discourse. For the graduation ceremony of March, 2012, the official number of teachers who refused to stand and sing fell to “1” in Tokyo, where the state employs 63,000 teachers. With neither family ties, romantic involvements, nor social recognition that would confirm their masculinity, the vanishing day laborers of Sanya made all the more insistent reference to the trope of otoko or ‘man.’ Closely articulated with the mobster world of the yakuza with which many workers had connections, the repetition of masculinity in work, gambling, and fighting constituted a discourse that repulsed the shaming gaze of general society. Thus, the excessive life-style of the otoko was located at the constitutive margins of the social bond of propriety, where he also provided a dying reserve army of labor that could be mobilized to undertake the most undesirable tasks, such as work at Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant. Echoing the death of Sanya, the Zengakuren numbered in the tens of thousands in the 1960s and 1970s, but had dwindled to under 100 active members in 2012. While the anti-war “strike” (sutoraiki) constituted the apotheosis of the Zengakuren discourse, their espousal and shameless mandate of “violent” (bōryoku) revolution subverted the origins of the Zengakuren into a prohibitive discourse which replicated the form of state rhetoric, and demanded the eradication of the Stalinist from within their own ranks. No less shameless than the Zengakuren, the emergent hate speech of the “internet right-wing” (netto uyoku) iterated state discourse among the working poor. Having grown from 500 to 10,000 members within only four years, the Zaittokai’s notorious hate speech aspired to the instantaneous effect of “killing” (korosu) another legacy of World War II: the “resident foreigner” (zainichi). Yet, replicating online forms of writing, the iterability of their performative triggered repetition, and in a shamelessness specific to cyberspace – in which the reciprocity of the gaze and shame were lacking – the Zaittokai directed their paranoid speech at the state, whose representatives were said to be controlled by zainichi. Lastly, “Fukushima” marked the apogee of the effectivity and failures of the state in containing both the excesses of capitalism, and the “negative legacy” (fu no rekishi) of World War II, the memories of which were short-circuited by radioactive outpour.

Thesis (M.S.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. / Title from title screen (viewed May 10, 2004). "December 2003." Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-175). Also issued in paper format.

Thesis (M.S. in Information Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. / Title from title screen (viewed Jan. 30, 2006). "September 2005." Includes bibliographical references (p.105-114). Also issued in paper format.

Cote d’Ivoire is a country located in West Africa, which is coming out from decades of political and military crises (2002-2011). The country is now coping with its phase of postconflict reconstruction and economic development. One of the important aspects of this phase is the socio-economic reintegration of former combatants who took part in the different conflicts. For this reason the aim of this study was to explore the socio-economic reintegration of former combatants in Cote d’Ivoire. Taking the aim of this study into consideration, the primary objectives were to first look at the situation of the socioeconomic reintegration of former combatants in Cote d’Ivoire and secondly to identify challenges affecting the socio-economic reintegration process.

In this research, the researcher is analysing the models of development in Ethiopia on ADLI policy after the Ethio-Eritrean War of 1998-2000. As a post- conflict country it is always important to know how a country reconstructs its economy after the war. The researcher will give a brief background of Ethiopia with her different regime changes. Ethiopia is a landlocked country and is found in the Horn of Africa. Her boarders are Eritrea on the north and north east, and Djibouti and Somalia on the East, Kenya on the south, on the west and south west by Sudan. (BCC) Ethiopia has been under three remarkably different political regimes; the feudal imperial era under Emperor Haile Selassie; the socialist military dictatorship of Colonel Mangistu’s Derg; and the marketoriented Western aligned democracy of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.(Devereux et al,2005:121 ) Each regime had applied different policies on agriculture which employs 80 percent of the population. Feudal policies where the land was in the hands of the landlords failed during Selassie’s regime and this was proved by the famine of 1974. He was overthrown by Derg in a coup in 1974. Derg introduced a “radical agrarian transformation based on land redistribution. His policies on agriculture were based on the Marxist egalitarian ideology and by conviction that feudal relations in agriculture had exposed millions of highland Ethiopians to intolerable levels of poverty and vulnerability.” (Devereux et al, 2005:121-122). According to Derg’s agricultural policy land was confiscated from the landlords and was redistributed to the rural farmers and it was trying to break inequalities over land control and it aimed at achieving agricultural productivity and rural incomes. Derg’s regime was overthrown by Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991. EPRDF further continued with land redistribution in the wake of 1990s and it gave farmlands to demobilised soldiers and tried to correct the inequalities that emerged with time as farming families were growing. (Devereux et al, 2005:122) In all these regimes, land was owned by the state. Ethiopian economy is based on agriculture which contributes 47 percent to GNP and more than 80 percent of exports, and employs 85 percent of the population. Ethiopia’s agriculture is plagued by periodic droughts, soil degradation emanating from poor agricultural practices and overgrazing, deforestation, high population density, underdeveloped water resources and poor transport infrastructure which makes extremely difficult and expensive to get goods to the market. (BCC, 07) The EPRDF came up with the new agricultural policy in the beginning of 1991 and it was known as Agriculture Development Led Industrialisation (ADLI). ADLI is the policy that emphasised on modernising smallholder agriculture and intensifying yield productivity through the supply of appropriate technology, certified seeds, fertilizers, rural credit facilities and technical assistance. (Getachew, 2003:9) This policy introduced some reforms in agriculture as it introduced a nationwide agricultural extension program, the propagation of laws that liberalised the purchasing and distribution of inputs and to increase and to make credit facilities available to rural farmers. In 1995 Minister of Agriculture (MoA) introduced a vehicle to drive the policy, which was called the Plan for Accelerated and Sustained Development to End Poverty (PADETES). The PADETES started with 32047 farmers on board. The aim was to educate farmers in new farming methods which will increase productivity and make farmers self sufficient. Agriculture Sample Survey 2009/10 states that ‘country’s experience showed that farmers’ attitude and tendency to adapt and accept new innovations, modern agricultural techniques and technologies, such as use of fertilizers, irrigation, improved seeds and pesticides that help to improve their living standards through attaining enhanced productivity, do have positive impact on the development on the agricultural sector as a whole.’(Central Statistical Agency, 2010: i) Teshome (2006:1) shows complexity of Ethiopian agriculture when he says that it largest contributor to the GDP, exports and foreign earnings and it employs almost 85 percent of the population. On the contrary, despite its socio-economic importance its performance continues to be low due to many natural and manmade factors which will be discussed in this research.

Why did architecture become an urgent concern for so many writers in postwar Britain? Following the destruction of World War Two, reconstruction became a total cultural project, animating writers, artists, and critics, as well as planners, politicians, and citizens. From the preservation of culturally significant buildings to the razing of old foundations, from the creation of new towns to the management of suburban sprawl, the project of rebuilding Britain sparked an extraordinary creative response that transcended disciplinary fields and brought together some of the most innovative minds of the day. However, the significance of writers’ roles in this reconstruction—and the critical role that writing plays in architecture more broadly—has not, thus far, been adequately addressed in either literary or architectural studies. “Structures of Feeling: Architecture and Literature in Postwar Britain and Ireland” builds on recent scholarship in literary geographies and the spatial humanities to propose a new intervention in literary studies: an extension of what Ellen Eve Frank has called literary architecture. Bringing together architectural and literary modernisms, my dissertation shows how novelists, architects, poets, and critics together participated imaginatively in the reconstruction of England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland after World War Two by situating the key social, psychological, and political issues of the day in the built environment.Analyzing a rich archive of poetry, fiction, and criticism along with architectural writing, maps, plans, and developments, “Structures of Feeling” tracks the transition from the end of the war to the rise and fall of the welfare state; it locates forms of cultural production in the second half of the twentieth century that united urban planning, poetics, and environmental perception. In so doing, it shows how writing powerfully mediated some of the most important developments in urban planning and civic reconstruction, from motorways to new towns, from tower blocks and social housing to military architecture along contested borders. These writers, from poets like Philip Larkin to novelists like J. G. Ballard to architects like Alison and Peter Smithson, made human the effects of modern architecture’s ideologies and designs, critiqued and often proposed its boldest solutions and failures, and made architecture a public issue. Ultimately, this dissertation investigates how the complex social and political forces of the era—a dynamic cultural formation Raymond Williams has called “structures of feeling”—became animated both through postwar architecture’s physical structures and the diverse forms of writing these buildings stimulated into being.