This is a study of the immigration of Italian poor to Britain from the early decades of the nineteenth century to the outbreak of W.W.I. Only a passing reference is made to political refugees and other personalities, as the dissertation is concerned with the inarticulate people for whom emigration (seasonal, temporary or permanent) was a traditional mode of life - the organ-grinders, the plaster statuette makers, the ice-cream vendors, the small legion of cooks and waiters. The main theme of the thesis is the history of adaptation to, and conflict with, the host society. For this purpose, after an analysis of the emigrants' social and geographical origin, emphasis is laid on the relationship between the changing attitudes towards them (especially towards those who settled in the 'Italian Quarter' of London) and the emigrants' response. The study consists of two parts. Part One is concerned with statistical evidence and the material aspects of the Italian poor's life and occupations. Part Two deals with how these emigrants were perceived; this is achieved through an analysis of the main challenges they had to face. The conclusion points, on the one hand, to the ability of the Italian poor to maintain an external compactness through a remarkable degree of flexibility and resilience; and, on the other hand, to their Inability to emerge as a cohesive and socially-conscious community.

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published_or_final_version / Urban Planning / Master / Master of Science in Urban Planning

1999 Dozier Award Winner / Welfare reform, in its attempts to order the lives of women on cash assistance, uses time as a means of controlling women. Single mothers living in poverty experience, perceive and use time in ways that the state welfare bureaucracy fails to recognize and/or refuses to work with. Poverty is anchored in a historical and cyclical dynamic based on low valuations of people's time, structured by race, class and gender. This essay shows how specific temporal sequences, orderings and flows are implicated in the etiology of poverty, forming cumulative feedback loops that challenge the linear trajectory of the welfare-to-work model. It argues that the welfare state bureaucracy practices a powerful politics of time, consisting in the imposition of forms of order and rigid temporal structures on the highly contingent and unpredictable lives of the poor. These temporal devices of control, rather than facilitating women's efforts to move from dependence to self-reliance, only exacerbate their struggles to manage the vagaries and irregularities of time in their lives. Time thus constitutes a locus of struggle in the welfare relationship, between women on welfare and the welfare agency.

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