Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Binghamton, Department of Anthropology, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 234-264).

My research is on the significance of building practice at sites that are known as chambered monuments or long cairns and long mounds. In particular, this work focuses on the long cairn sites of Gwernvale, Powys and Hazleton North, Gloucestershire; and the long mound sites of Easton Down, Beckhampton Road, Horslip, and South Street in the Avebury region of Wiltshire, and Gussage Cow Down 78 and 294 in Dorset. These sites are considered to be among the first 'architectures' in Britain. These architectures have been considered by archaeologists to characterise part of what we know about the neolithic in southern Britain. There are features and material culture associated with the mesolithic at these sites but this evidence has previously been understood as having made a 'place' for architecture, or as having created a 'setting' for later architectural constructions. I am writing to challenge our architectural understandings of these sites. In the following chapters trees, the processing of wood, hearth settings, the working of flint, grassland, worked earth, the processing of animal bone are recognised as having been a part of the connective dynamics of architectural construction. I will argue that material culture that was a part of these activities was left in these areas. These small things were parted, re-assembled and entwined together into assemblages that blur archaeologists distinctions between fifth and fourth millennia B.C. lives and that blur distinctions between hunter-gatherer and pastoralist (and partly agriculturalist) practices. Practices of making did not remain the same; neither did practices of connecting, parting, re-assembling and entwining materials. Material culture, as a media for making and understanding connections between people and things, did not remain constant. However, through encounters with the material and historical conditions of others lives, people made something of living and dying during the fifth and fourth millennia.

From Introduction: The study of San rock art has undergone several different phases in approach to the interpretation of art. Two approaches are currently in use. The first emphasises the art as narrative or literal representations of San life and its proponents may be called the "art for art's sake" school. Adherents to the second approach make detailed use of the San ethnography on the belief system of these people and are highly critical of the literalists because they provide no such context. The second approach has rapidly gained ascendancy and replaced the "art for art's sake" school over the last twenty years. The watershed came with the researches of Vinnicombe (1967) in the southern Drakensberg and Maggs (1967) in the Western Cape who both embarked upon programs of research which had quantification and numerical analysis at their core, so that they could present "...some objective observations on a given sample of rock paintings in a particular area..." in order to compare and contrast paintings from geographically different areas. What Vinnicombe's numerical analyses clearly showed was that the eland was the most frequently depicted antelope and that it must have played a fundamental role "...in both the economy and the rellgious beliefs of the painters...", which opened up the search for what those beliefs might be and how they could be related to the rock art itself. In order to understand what the rock art was all about it was recognised that researchers had to meaningfully contextualise the art within the social and religious framework of the artists themselves. Without the provision of such a relevant context, as many different interpretations of the paintings could be made as there were people with imaginations. Such a piecemeal approach provides a meaningless jumble of subjective fancy which tells us something about the interpreters but nothing about the rock art. It is unfortunate that the advent of this explicitly social and anthropological approach marks the end of the amateur as a serious interpreter of San rock art, for the juxtaposition of the ethnography with the rock art requires a proper training in which the intricacies of symbol and metaphor can be recognised.

No description available.

This investigation into the origin of a collection of nineteenth century lanternslides revealed evidence of the social, intellectual and cultural importance of various scientific societies in Oxford, and the contributions made by those involved, particularly the creator of the lanternslides, H. M. J. Underhill, (1855–1920). Evidence gathered from primary sources showed a fluidity of relationships between the supposed ‘town and gown’ in late nineteenth century Oxford which consisted of a community of citizens, amateurs and academics, all of whom were linked by a growing interest in the real and mythological British past. Following a discussion of the key intellectual and social influences in Britain during the latter half of the nineteenth century, including the implications of the emerging evidence of an ancient human past, the thesis focuses on individual case studies. They illustrate the roles of overlooked or neglected individuals whose work contributed to the growth of today’s discipline of British prehistory. Several people, now forgotten, including Underhill were contemporaries of Arthur Evans and Edward Tylor whose social circumstances made it easier for them to become prominent academics. The results of this research indicate that a new approach is required in the history of archaeology; one that would draw attention to the vital contributions made by forgotten or overlooked individuals, societies and popular publications. Further attention to these issues will shed new light on the way that prehistoric archaeology moved from an antiquarian pastime to an academic discipline between 1850 and 1900.

Fieldwork in the Zemplen Mountain area of north-eastern Hungary showed that there are at least eight geological sources of obsidian here, five of which have obsidian of a workable quality. There are a further three sources in the Slovak Zemplen, all of which provide workable obsidian. Sources in Central Slovakia are highly devitrified and not useable, and reported sources in Rumania had been discounted earlier (Nandris, 1975). Forty-six samples of obsidian from the Zemplen sources, and 293 pieces from 87 archaeological sites in Central and Eastern Europe, were analysed by neutron activation analysis for 15 trace and two major elements. The trace elements used included those which are geochemically likely to show the greatest variation between different obsidian sources, and which are not badly affected by devitrification and hydration of the obsidian, for example the rare earth elements. The analytical data was processed using Cluster Analysis. 242 of the archaeological samples came from Slovak sources, 22 from Hungarian sources, 9 from Lipari and 5 from Melos. In addition, 6 samples were tentatively assigned to Carpathian sources, and 9 could not be assigned to any source. Obsidian from the Zemplen Mountains was distributed up to a distance of approximately 480 km from the sources; it was used extensively in Slovakia and Hungary and reached southern Poland, Austria, Moravia, central Yugoslavia, north-east Italy and central Rumania. Obsidian use in central and eastern Europe began in the Mousterian period. The earliest pieces analysed were Aurignacian and came from Hungarian sources. Later, in the Gravettian, Slovakian sources began to be exploited and remained predominant until obsidian use declined sharply in the Later Neolithic, and Copper and Bronze Ages. The Carpathian obsidian distribution overlaps with the Liparian distribution at one site in north-east Italy. There is no evidence for an overlap with Aegean or Near Eastern sources. The rate of fall off of obsidian away from the sources suggests a down-the-line trading mechanism.

Swartkrans Cave, famous for abundant hominin fossils of P. robustus and the site where the first evidence of the co-existence of two hominin species was recovered, has yielded a wealth of information on early hominin behaviour. In 2005 a new program of research and excavation began at the site, and its results form the central part of this thesis. This study has focused on the early Pleistocene Member 1 deposits which include an Earlier Stone Age industry and the late Pleistocene Member 4 Middle Stone Age deposits. The thesis has four areas of focus. First the new work has resulted in clarification and new interpretations for the formation of the hominin rich Hanging Remnant deposit of Member 1, which lacks stone tools. This extensive calcified conglomerate which spans most of the north wall of the cave is now seen as a non-homogenous unit that represents material entering from at least four avens. However, this study also established that the newly exposed central portion of the Hanging Remnant and the hominin fossil-rich northwest corner infill worked by Robert Broom in the 1940s derived from the same depositional episode. Secondly, the new excavations in the Lower Bank of Member 1 have resulted in an enlargement of the previously ambiguous Earlier Stone Age assemblage. Analysis of this new assemblage, in conjunction with recently released dating results, has now confirmed that the artefacts belong to the Oldowan Industrial Complex. Thirdly, new excavations in the Member 4 deposit have resulted in the recovery of over 3,200 Middle Stone Age (MSA) stone tools and a clearer understanding of their context. The stone tool-bearing deposits of Member 4 are now understood to derive from a surface colluvium, rather than a cave infill. This MSA assemblage consists of a high number of retouched pieces that are dominated by steep-sided scrapers and denticulated scrapers with a near-absence of points. The technology of a variety of core types suggests a superior understanding of raw material flaking qualities by the tool makers. The limited types of formal tools suggest that the site was used for one or more specific activities, rather than for a range of activities by the tool makers. Fourthly, excavation of the deposits underlying the Member 4 colluvium has resulted in the discovery of two previously unknown hominin-bearing deposits. It is now established that what was originally called Member 4 is composed of three distinct deposits. The lowest of these is an east extension of the Member 1 Lower Bank (LB East Extension), which has yielded P. robustus fossils. This is overlain by a large talus cone (TCD), which also has yielded P. robustus fossils. The latter is capped by flowstone dated to ~110,000 years, followed by the MSA-tool bearing colluvium.

During pre-Columbian times, the Lake Okeechobee Region was home to people of the Belle Glade culture. The lake provided an area rich in resources that facilitated not only the hunter-gatherer-fisher lifestyle of the people but also supported increased cultural complexity. Over time, people participated in an exchange network, trading materials with cultural groups from a variety of locations. This thesis provides an analysis of those non-local artifacts, their probable points of origins and the type of exchange that facilitated the movement of these goods into the region. / by Gregory J. Mount. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2009. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2009. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.A. in anthropology)--Washington State University, December 2009. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on Jan. 12, 2010). "Department of Anthropology." Includes bibliographical references (p. 186-199).