于一个国家而言，民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题，也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争，旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 / 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法，本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时，抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争，官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看，以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽，重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时，越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中，社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 / 于以上分析，本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段，知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于“话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明，当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进，形成了一个自我强化的循环。 / 研究意义而言，本研究首先探讨了“话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性，继而指出民众抗争，精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现，只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应，即使是非持续性的，非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展，以及政治话语实践的转变。因此，虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权，但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 / For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. / The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. / Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership’s discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party rule and rising citizen-cadre conflict. Moreover, the increasingly outspoken critique from intellectuals can be explained when the opening of the discursive opportunity structure is taken into account. Combining these insights with the available literature suggests that grassroots activism and elite discourse in China may be interlocked into a self-reinforcing cycle. / This research points to both the value and the limitations of the discursive opportunity approach. Moreover, the study also reveals important links between popular protest, elite discourse, and the dynamics of regime evolution. By provoking reactions from the elites, even the persistently episodic and localized forms of citizen resistance have led to an implicit, but still substantial expansion of space for contentious political participation and a modification of discursive political practices. Thus, even though most Chinese protesters may not have challenged the regime head-on, their activism has contributed to an ongoing evolution of the political order. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Steinhardt, Heinz Christoph. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-271). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ii / Table of contents --- p.v / Acknowledgements --- p.viii / Tables, figures, and appendices --- p.xi / Abbreviations --- p.xiii / Newspapers, magazines, news agencies, television channels, and online portals cited --- p.xiv / Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / The objective and contribution of this research --- p.4 / A preview of the argument --- p.7 / Conceptual underpinnings --- p.10 / Data and methodology --- p.24 / Chapter description --- p.32 / Chapter 2 --- Background: historical legacies and post-Tiananmen protest --- p.34 / History: official misconduct and the right to resist --- p.34 / Popular protest after 1989: not regime-challenging but increasingly threatening --- p.47 / Conclusion --- p.60 / Chapter 3 --- The central Party leadership: public and internal communication --- p.61 / The appearance and disappearance of key terms over time --- p.62 / From reluctant acknowledgment to open problematization --- p.69 / Conclusion --- p.115 / Chapter 4 --- The news media versus local authorities: protest events and a transforming flow of information --- p.119 / A transforming flow of information and the Chinese state --- p.123 / The emergence of protest events in the news media --- p.130 / Conclusion --- p.159 / Chapter 5 --- The intellectuals: the emergence of critical non-activists --- p.161 / The discursive setting --- p.163 / Tracing intellectuals’ discourse --- p.169 / Conclusion --- p.194 / Chapter 6 --- The driving forces and significance of a widening discursive opening --- p.197 / The dynamics of discursive change --- p.197 / Protest discourse and the practices of protesting and protest policing --- p.221 / Concluding remarks --- p.229 / Appendices --- p.237 / Bibliography --- p.248

abstract / toc / History / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Yet, Kam Hon. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 128-134). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes includes Chinese.

This research explores the mechanisms through which farmers in contemporary China might stage successful environmental protests by studying the Huazhen Incident. The author argues that the Huazhen farmers' success in forcing the local government to close the heavily-polluting industrial park can be accounted for by their having successfully aligned an anti-pollution frame with an anti-corruption one, employing the formal village social organizations as mobilizing structures, and creatively developing opportunities for group participation by senior villagers. These three processes empowered Huazhen farmers and constrained the repressive power of the local state as follows: First, environmental issues in Huazhen were entangled with various other social problems. Issue entrepreneurs effectively integrated farmers' multiple grievances through bridging the anti-pollution and anti-corruption frames. Secondly, Huazhen farmers creatively used formal village social organizations as mobilizing structures. By embedding a village-wide mobilization of anti-pollution protest into the village committee election process and by employing the Society of Senior Villagers to mobilize the elderly, the Huazhen protest enjoyed the support of the majority of villagers, as well as the main force of the senior villagers necessary for a breakthrough. Thirdly, farmers in Huazhen both employed existing opportunities and developed new ones, making full use of the formalistic opportunities provided by the local government. Most importantly, the farmers in Huazhen strategically explored the group-specific opportunities of the elderly for constraining state power through the weapons of the weak. During the early stages of the protest, the power of the weak forced the local government to appeal to emotion work instead of repression in order to demobilize the protesters. While officials were doing this, the elderly were protesting with a strategic dramaturgy of moderate extremism, which served to further mobilize the farmers and garner support from the general public. Confronting the moderate but persistent protests of the elderly, the local government switched to repression. Excessive repression, however, failed to control the protests. Worse still, such repression gave farmers the moral high ground. Farmers in Huazhen utilized the protest spectacle as an alternative media and turned the protest base into a direct theatre, broadcasting their protest and sensitizing the public by making them bear witness to state oppression, thereby deconstructing the official discourse of the repression. The protest of farmers in Huazhen ultimately triggered intervention from higher-level authorities, which forced the local state to make a full concession: closing the entire industrial park. / 鄧燕華. / Adviser: Lianjiang Li. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-01, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 175-190). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Deng Yanhua.

This thesis examines the political activism of Hong Kong youths known as the Post-80s. In contrast to dominant discourse in Hong Kong claiming that these youths are driven by economic concerns, based on 18 months of fieldwork, I suggest that the Post-80s are instead striving to reimagine what politics means as a part of life in the postcolonial city. It is emphasised that youths are 'protesting' as an act of rejecting mainstream politics, and as a means to realise their desire for a different form of politics to emerge in the city. By bringing youth voices to the forefront, this thesis addresses two broad themes - why and how the Post-80s protest. The thesis first provides an overview of Hong Kong politics, arguing that youths express a deep sense of dissatisfaction towards the political culture in society dictated by financial interests, and towards the hierarchical structures within the political domains that stifle the public voice. The thesis then reviews how the Post-80s challenge these conditions by positing a form of alternative politics predicated on individualistic self-representation manifesting through the self, body, and space. I look at youth claims that becoming political is an 'individual choice', and the ways in which their strong sense of individuality interacts with/counteracts the limitations on their political participation imposed by familial ties and gender roles. I then explore Post-80s attempts to dispel bodily passivity in protests through the incorporation of performance art into their political actions to empower the individual activist, and analyse youth attempts to reconfigure urban space into political sites of individualistic experimentation. The conclusion reviews the impact Post-80s activism has had on the realpolitik of the city, noting the inherent contradictions within the political efforts of the Post-80s and their limited ability to inflict widespread structural changes in Hong Kong politics.

近年来，针对就业和就学中遭遇歧视的困境，中国乙肝携带者发起一场要求消除歧视、维护合法权益的抗争运动。为什么乙肝携带者就业歧视问题在中国如此显著？面对国家和市场这两大最具权势的系统，公民社会将何以对抗？本文旨在从社会学的视角对这场“将‘乙肝’去除"的运动进行解读。 / 本文采用个案研究方法，以北京益仁平中心为主要研究对象，围绕 “乙肝"在中国的建构和重构过程，将研究聚焦于三个方面：第一，乙肝污名化过程以及国家、市场中的话语权；第二，反乙肝歧视维权运动的条件和动员机制；第三，“将‘乙肝’去除"中的政治和权力话语三角。 / 本文从社会运动理论中的资源动员、政治机会结构和框架理论出发解读中国乙肝携带者的维权运动；将运动中的微观景象与宏观社会结构结合起来，考察影响乙肝携带者维权运动的主要因素以及运动的动员机制。研究伊始分别从国家和市场两个领域审视乙肝歧视问题在中国的建构过程，阐明乙肝污名化是政府权威以及市场中医药商和医学权威共谋下的合力作用，从而为乙肝携带者反歧视抗争运动的后续研究选择一个合适的立足点。笔者在案例中发现，组织在维权运动中将乙肝携带者群体动员起来，采取有效的策略，充分利用其在资源获得方面的优势、建立乙肝维权组织网络、善于把握时机营造政治机会空间、并能够吸纳律师和媒体的专业力量是维权行动能取得成功的重要因素。 / 组织在维权行动中的话语框架对运动的发展至关重要。乙肝携带者群体对组织运动框架的认同是动员成功的基础；掌握定义“乙肝"的主动权、运动领袖的可信性、框架话语表达的日常化、与媒体的良好关系等策略有助于框架在动员中与参与者、旁观者产生共鸣；抗争精英通过话语框架为抗争活动提供合法性。 / 反乙肝歧视维权运动可以看作是一个“将‘乙肝’去除"的“去污名化"运动。一方面，中央政府与地方政府有着各自自主性利益；另一方面，乙肝携带者群体内部就抗争形式也难以统一，这两种分裂情况交叉形成了一个围绕“将‘乙肝’去除"的，以规则、效益和权利为话语的权力三角，支撑反歧视行动的抗争空间。权力三角的多变性决定去除“乙肝"的行动是有策略的、冒险的，但却相对稳定。 / Hepatitis B Virus carriers (HBVers) have launched series social movements targeting at eliminating discriminations against HBVers in job market and promoting fair employment in recent decade of years. Why does nowhere match the HBV discrimination in such country like China? How is contentious politics possible when the powerless engage in struggles with power holders, like state and market in China? The thesis attempts to learn the intricacies of body politics with sociological approaches. / Yirenping, a NGO located in Beijing, is selected as research object in this case study. Concentrating on the political nature of the HBV confrontations, this thesis is comprised of three parts: first, the stigmatization of HBV in China; second, tactics and strategies that employed against the system of discrimination; third, the politics of “Removing HBV" and the power triangle among state, market and civil society. / The analysis of the HBV movement is informed by three sociological theories of social movements: resource mobilization, political opportunity structure and framing, meanwhile macro structure and micro interaction are combined. It is postulated that this disease discrimination in China occurs when confronting an entrenched stigmatization conjoined from both state and market dedicated to keeping the HBVers excluded and marginalized, which serves as a departure point for further analysis of the struggles for power against this discrimination. Resources mobilized, leaderships and organizations, networks among HBVers and outside supporters, strategies in mobilization positively facilitate the anti-discrimination movements. Utilizing the institutional advocacies as well as informal networks with officials, NPC & CPCCC delegates open more political opportunities within the preexisting political environment. / Framing is essential to the movement mobilization. Identifying closely with the visions and missions in movements, the self conceptualization of HBV-discrimination, charismatic leaders, the everyday narrative of the frame, as well as strategic media coverage help promoting resonance among movement participants and standers-by. Framing strategies provide legitimacy for HBV selves in collective movements. / Finally, the thesis came to the conclusion that anti-discrimination-against-HBVers social movements in China can be interpreted as a process of struggle to “Removing HBV" power. Central government and local ones have their autonomies and interests respectively, while weak but observed divisions in protesting strategies also exist within the HBVers, which shape a triangle of power struggles among the dominant and dominated groups. The power triangle is flexible, and the “Removing HBV" movements are strategic, risk-taking, while being routinized. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 郭娜. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 137-156) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Guo Nuo. / 中文摘要 --- p.i / 英文摘要 --- p.ii / 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 导论 乙肝：作为医学问题和作为社会问题 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1 --- 作为医学问题的乙型肝炎及其全球地理分布 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.2 --- 乙型肝炎在中国 --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3 --- 作为社会问题的乙肝歧视 --- p.8 / Chapter 1.4 --- 研究方法 --- p.10 / Chapter 1.5 --- 小结 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二章 --- 研究问题与文献回顾 --- p.15 / Chapter 2.1 --- 社会运动理论的发展脉络 --- p.16 / Chapter 2.2 --- 认同与社会运动的动员 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.3 --- 中国底层社会与维权抗争研究回顾 --- p.24 / Chapter 2.4 --- 中国反乙肝歧视运动的分析框架 --- p.26 / Chapter 2.5 --- 小结 --- p.34 / Chapter 第三章 --- 政府与入职体检 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.1 --- 新中国成立之初的公共卫生政策 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2 --- 中国人事制度改革和公务员职业声望 --- p.39 / Chapter 3.3 --- 体检标准与强制乙肝检测 --- p.43 / Chapter 3.4 --- 小结 --- p.47 / Chapter 第四章 --- 市场话语权与定义“乙肝" --- p.49 / Chapter 4.1 --- 市场中的虚假广告 --- p.50 / Chapter 4.2 --- 体检经济 --- p.54 / Chapter 4.3 --- 医药商与医学权威 --- p.56 / Chapter 4.4 --- 小结 --- p.58 / Chapter 第五章 --- 乙肝携带者的个人经验 --- p.61 / Chapter 5.1 --- 疾病的社会建构 --- p.62 / Chapter 5.2 --- 乙肝携带者的认知过程 --- p.66 / Chapter 5.3 --- 乙肝携带者的抗争选择 --- p.68 / Chapter 5.4 --- 小结 --- p.74 / Chapter 第六章 --- 从个体经验到集体行动：公民社会的回应 --- p.76 / Chapter 6.1 --- 从个人困境到集体行动 --- p.76 / Chapter 6.2 --- 反乙肝歧视运动中的资源动员 --- p.80 / Chapter 6.3 --- 反乙肝歧视组织网络 --- p.82 / Chapter 6.4 --- 反乙肝歧视运动中的机会空间 --- p.86 / Chapter 6.5 --- 小结 --- p.90 / Chapter 第七章 --- 框架策略：反乙肝歧视运动中的动员 --- p.91 / Chapter 7.1 --- 认同与社会运动 --- p.91 / Chapter 7.2 --- 反乙肝歧视运动的行动框架 --- p.95 / Chapter 7.3 --- 反乙肝歧视运动的动员策略 --- p.100 / Chapter 7.4 --- 小结 --- p.107 / Chapter 第八章 --- 身体的政治：将“乙肝"去除 --- p.108 / Chapter 8.1 --- 权力的维度 --- p.108 / Chapter 8.2 --- 反乙肝歧视行动的抗争轨迹 --- p.111 / Chapter 8.3 --- 国家、市场与公民社会：将“乙肝"去除 --- p.116 / Chapter 8.4 --- 小结 --- p.130 / Chapter 第九章 --- 总结与讨论 --- p.131 / 参考文献 --- p.137 / Chapter 附录A --- 访谈提纲 --- p.157 / Chapter 附录B --- 64名被访者基本信息概况 --- p.160 / 致谢 --- p.162

自2003年始，反坝运动席卷中国，被誉为“第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落，却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无（正式）组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动，并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性，无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析，而得到解释。 / 在中国特殊政治环境下，尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会，农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能？带着这一问题，本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架，以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论，对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 / 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑，并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析，探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 / 本论文发现：在全国反坝热潮背后，金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用：一是本土性社会文化因素；二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量；三是国家力量（包括“抽象国家"与“具体国家"）的影响及其与本土的互动。 / 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时，也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干，推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的“公民性"参与，孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间，由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力，有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分，为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 / Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. / However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. / How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. / This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It analyzes the key processes of political opportunity structure extension, resource mobilization, and meaning construction in the indigenous anti-dam movement, trying to understand its unique characteristics, dynamics and mechanisms. / The study finds that the Jinsha River case is characterized by a distinct activism model which is endogenously driven, with highly decentralized participation from diverse sectors in the local community, and also influenced by the interactions between the local protest and national anti-dam movement. In particular, I discuss three sets of factors that are crucial in shaping the process: a) the local social-cultural contexts and conditions, b) the interaction between the local community and outside civil social forces in the anti-dam movement, c) the state-society relationship in the indigenous community. / These factors contribute to the emergence of a model of local activism which transcends the conventional dichotomy of movement leaders and rank and file members, and relies instead on a large “middle layer of activists that are from diverse sectors of the local community. It may point to a path for going beyond both the elitist NGO-lead social movement model and the model of disorganized social resistance in closed rural communities, and shed light on some new potential of Chinese social change from below as well as the development of Chinese civil society. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 周雁. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 222-226) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhou Yan. / 致 谢 --- p.iv / 中文摘要： --- p.vi / Abstract of thesis entitled : --- p.vii / Chapter 1 --- 前言：研究背景及研究问题的提出 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- 引子：3.21群体事件 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- 研究的背景：从本土底层抗争到全国反坝运动 --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3. --- 研究问题: --- p.6 / Chapter 2 --- 文献综述与理论回顾 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1. --- 理论视野之一： 西方集体行动/社会运动理论 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- 美国社会运动理论 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- 新的理论发展 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2. --- 理论视野之二：抗争研究 --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.1. --- 农民的日常反抗理论 --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.2. --- 依法抗争理论及中国学者的进一步拓展 --- p.14 / Chapter 2.3. --- 中国反坝集体行动的现有研究： --- p.17 / Chapter 2.4. --- 社会运动研究与抗争研究的差异与整合 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4.1. --- 两种理论进路的差异 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4.2. --- 本研究面临的特殊情境 --- p.22 / Chapter 2.4.3. --- 整合及研究理论框架的提出 --- p.25 / Chapter 3 --- 研究方法论及研究方法 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1. --- 研究方法论 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1.1. --- 研究方法论的理论基础：实践理论 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1.2. --- 具体研究方法论：拓展个案法 --- p.33 / Chapter 3.2. --- 研究方法及参与式行动研究者的自我反思 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.1. --- 研究方法 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.2. --- 参与式行动研究者的自我定位及反思 --- p.36 / Chapter 3.3. --- 研究田野点：金沙江边乡村社区简介 --- p.40 / Chapter 3.4. --- 论文结构 --- p.45 / Chapter 4 --- 江边底层反坝抗争故事及过程分析 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1. --- 江边底层反坝抗争过程回顾 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.1. --- 风云乍起：反坝外部动员及本土精英崭露头角 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.2. --- 从葬礼到清明：变故催生的内外结盟与江边动员 --- p.52 / Chapter 4.1.3. --- 本土自主底层抗争模式的发端：罢村官事件及其他 --- p.62 / Chapter 4.1.4. --- 外来者的“在场"和助推 --- p.69 / Chapter 4.1.5. --- 本土自主抗争的深化：文艺队及其他公共参与的尝试 --- p.75 / Chapter 4.1.6. --- 厚积薄发：联名信的万人签署及上京 --- p.85 / Chapter 4.1.7. --- 高潮：3.21万人群体事件 --- p.91 / Chapter 4.1.8. --- 后反坝时期 --- p.103 / Chapter 4.2. --- 小结与回顾：江边反坝抗争的过程机制 --- p.108 / Chapter 4.2.1. --- 政治机会结构的拓展过程 --- p.109 / Chapter 4.2.2. --- 组织与动员过程 --- p.111 / Chapter 4.2.3. --- 框架与意义建构过程 --- p.112 / Chapter 4.2.4. --- 小结：三个过程的相通之处 --- p.113 / Chapter 5 --- 结构性因素之一：江边乡民社会的本土性因素 --- p.115 / Chapter 5.1. --- 江边本土行动者认同与惯习的形成及分化 --- p.116 / Chapter 5.1.1. --- 共享的“江边"认同及江边人的行为惯习 --- p.116 / Chapter 5.1.2. --- 江边多元分化的身份认同及行动惯习 --- p.119 / Chapter 5.1.3. --- 小结：不同结构性因素及条件的协同作用 --- p.134 / Chapter 5.2. --- 江边反坝行动者分层及其对抗争动力机制的影响 --- p.137 / Chapter 5.2.1. --- 对反坝政治机会结构的影响 --- p.137 / Chapter 5.2.2. --- 对反坝框架和意义建构的影响 --- p.139 / Chapter 5.2.3. --- 对组织和动员模式的影响 --- p.145 / Chapter 6 --- 结构性因素之二：外界公民社会力量的介入及内外互动 --- p.150 / Chapter 6.1. --- 外界力量的显性效果：底层议题的公共化 --- p.150 / Chapter 6.2. --- 外界力量介入的“多元去中心"化及效果 --- p.154 / Chapter 6.2.1. --- 外界力量的类别 --- p.154 / Chapter 6.2.2. --- 不同外来者的差异、碰撞与制衡 --- p.156 / Chapter 6.2.3. --- 外界介入的多元分殊化和去NGO化 --- p.158 / Chapter 6.2.4. --- 长期影响 --- p.162 / Chapter 6.3. --- 内外互动中的差异、分歧及潜在冲突 --- p.164 / Chapter 6.3.1. --- 差异的显现：认同与反坝框架建构 --- p.164 / Chapter 6.3.2. --- 对底层运作和“本土性"理解的隔阂 --- p.165 / Chapter 6.3.3. --- 背后的结构性因素 --- p.169 / Chapter 6.4. --- 小结 --- p.170 / Chapter 7 --- 结构性因素之三：国家力量的本土呈现 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1. --- 本土行动者与“抽象国家"之间 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1.1. --- 江边人的国家观及其体现 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1.2. --- 被动应对：去“政治"化与去“国家"化 --- p.175 / Chapter 7.1.3. --- 积极对策：合法正当性的建立 --- p.176 / Chapter 7.2. --- 本土行动者与“具体国家"之间 --- p.180 / Chapter 7.2.1. --- 国家的本土代理人的分层 --- p.181 / Chapter 7.2.2. --- 本土行动者与国家代理人间的特殊互动模式 --- p.183 / Chapter 7.3. --- 理论对话及小结 --- p.190 / Chapter 8 --- 结论和进一步讨论 --- p.194 / Chapter 8.1. --- 底层集体行动如何得以产生 --- p.195 / Chapter 8.2. --- 底层反坝抗争的潜在产出及潜在长远影响 --- p.198 / Chapter 8.2.1. --- 底层行动者的改变：本土“公民性的形成与创新 --- p.198 / Chapter 8.2.2. --- “本土"的再发掘与重建：社区力量的创新整合 --- p.200 / Chapter 8.2.3. --- 中国新社会力及公共参与空间的拓展与建构 --- p.202 / Chapter 8.2.4. --- 对国家社会关系及中国社会变迁的长期潜在影响 --- p.203 / Chapter 8.3. --- 前瞻：潜在隐患及可能走向 --- p.205 / Chapter 附录一： --- 江边村民的诉求 --- p.208 / 2005清明扫墓活动村民面对NGO和媒体发言节选 --- p.208 / Chapter 附录二： --- 公开呼吁信 --- p.212 / Chapter （一） --- 中国河网：留住虎跳峡、留住长江第一湾 --- p.212 / Chapter （二） --- 金沙江沿岸村民呼吁：坚决不让悲剧在金沙江重演！ --- p.214 / Chapter 附录三 --- 万人联署意见书 --- p.217 / 关于“滇中调水"和虎跳峡电站高坝给国务院的意见书 --- p.217 / 参考文献 --- p.222