自2003年始，反坝运动席卷中国，被誉为“第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落，却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无（正式）组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动，并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性，无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析，而得到解释。 / 在中国特殊政治环境下，尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会，农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能？带着这一问题，本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架，以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论，对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 / 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑，并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析，探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 / 本论文发现：在全国反坝热潮背后，金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用：一是本土性社会文化因素；二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量；三是国家力量（包括“抽象国家"与“具体国家"）的影响及其与本土的互动。 / 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时，也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干，推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的“公民性"参与，孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间，由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力，有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分，为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 / Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. / However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. / How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. / This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It analyzes the key processes of political opportunity structure extension, resource mobilization, and meaning construction in the indigenous anti-dam movement, trying to understand its unique characteristics, dynamics and mechanisms. / The study finds that the Jinsha River case is characterized by a distinct activism model which is endogenously driven, with highly decentralized participation from diverse sectors in the local community, and also influenced by the interactions between the local protest and national anti-dam movement. In particular, I discuss three sets of factors that are crucial in shaping the process: a) the local social-cultural contexts and conditions, b) the interaction between the local community and outside civil social forces in the anti-dam movement, c) the state-society relationship in the indigenous community. / These factors contribute to the emergence of a model of local activism which transcends the conventional dichotomy of movement leaders and rank and file members, and relies instead on a large “middle layer of activists that are from diverse sectors of the local community. It may point to a path for going beyond both the elitist NGO-lead social movement model and the model of disorganized social resistance in closed rural communities, and shed light on some new potential of Chinese social change from below as well as the development of Chinese civil society. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 周雁. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 222-226) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhou Yan. / 致 谢 --- p.iv / 中文摘要： --- p.vi / Abstract of thesis entitled : --- p.vii / Chapter 1 --- 前言：研究背景及研究问题的提出 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- 引子：3.21群体事件 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- 研究的背景：从本土底层抗争到全国反坝运动 --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3. --- 研究问题: --- p.6 / Chapter 2 --- 文献综述与理论回顾 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1. --- 理论视野之一： 西方集体行动/社会运动理论 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- 美国社会运动理论 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- 新的理论发展 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2. --- 理论视野之二：抗争研究 --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.1. --- 农民的日常反抗理论 --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.2. --- 依法抗争理论及中国学者的进一步拓展 --- p.14 / Chapter 2.3. --- 中国反坝集体行动的现有研究： --- p.17 / Chapter 2.4. --- 社会运动研究与抗争研究的差异与整合 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4.1. --- 两种理论进路的差异 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4.2. --- 本研究面临的特殊情境 --- p.22 / Chapter 2.4.3. --- 整合及研究理论框架的提出 --- p.25 / Chapter 3 --- 研究方法论及研究方法 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1. --- 研究方法论 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1.1. --- 研究方法论的理论基础：实践理论 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1.2. --- 具体研究方法论：拓展个案法 --- p.33 / Chapter 3.2. --- 研究方法及参与式行动研究者的自我反思 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.1. --- 研究方法 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.2. --- 参与式行动研究者的自我定位及反思 --- p.36 / Chapter 3.3. --- 研究田野点：金沙江边乡村社区简介 --- p.40 / Chapter 3.4. --- 论文结构 --- p.45 / Chapter 4 --- 江边底层反坝抗争故事及过程分析 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1. --- 江边底层反坝抗争过程回顾 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.1. --- 风云乍起：反坝外部动员及本土精英崭露头角 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.2. --- 从葬礼到清明：变故催生的内外结盟与江边动员 --- p.52 / Chapter 4.1.3. --- 本土自主底层抗争模式的发端：罢村官事件及其他 --- p.62 / Chapter 4.1.4. --- 外来者的“在场"和助推 --- p.69 / Chapter 4.1.5. --- 本土自主抗争的深化：文艺队及其他公共参与的尝试 --- p.75 / Chapter 4.1.6. --- 厚积薄发：联名信的万人签署及上京 --- p.85 / Chapter 4.1.7. --- 高潮：3.21万人群体事件 --- p.91 / Chapter 4.1.8. --- 后反坝时期 --- p.103 / Chapter 4.2. --- 小结与回顾：江边反坝抗争的过程机制 --- p.108 / Chapter 4.2.1. --- 政治机会结构的拓展过程 --- p.109 / Chapter 4.2.2. --- 组织与动员过程 --- p.111 / Chapter 4.2.3. --- 框架与意义建构过程 --- p.112 / Chapter 4.2.4. --- 小结：三个过程的相通之处 --- p.113 / Chapter 5 --- 结构性因素之一：江边乡民社会的本土性因素 --- p.115 / Chapter 5.1. --- 江边本土行动者认同与惯习的形成及分化 --- p.116 / Chapter 5.1.1. --- 共享的“江边"认同及江边人的行为惯习 --- p.116 / Chapter 5.1.2. --- 江边多元分化的身份认同及行动惯习 --- p.119 / Chapter 5.1.3. --- 小结：不同结构性因素及条件的协同作用 --- p.134 / Chapter 5.2. --- 江边反坝行动者分层及其对抗争动力机制的影响 --- p.137 / Chapter 5.2.1. --- 对反坝政治机会结构的影响 --- p.137 / Chapter 5.2.2. --- 对反坝框架和意义建构的影响 --- p.139 / Chapter 5.2.3. --- 对组织和动员模式的影响 --- p.145 / Chapter 6 --- 结构性因素之二：外界公民社会力量的介入及内外互动 --- p.150 / Chapter 6.1. --- 外界力量的显性效果：底层议题的公共化 --- p.150 / Chapter 6.2. --- 外界力量介入的“多元去中心"化及效果 --- p.154 / Chapter 6.2.1. --- 外界力量的类别 --- p.154 / Chapter 6.2.2. --- 不同外来者的差异、碰撞与制衡 --- p.156 / Chapter 6.2.3. --- 外界介入的多元分殊化和去NGO化 --- p.158 / Chapter 6.2.4. --- 长期影响 --- p.162 / Chapter 6.3. --- 内外互动中的差异、分歧及潜在冲突 --- p.164 / Chapter 6.3.1. --- 差异的显现：认同与反坝框架建构 --- p.164 / Chapter 6.3.2. --- 对底层运作和“本土性"理解的隔阂 --- p.165 / Chapter 6.3.3. --- 背后的结构性因素 --- p.169 / Chapter 6.4. --- 小结 --- p.170 / Chapter 7 --- 结构性因素之三：国家力量的本土呈现 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1. --- 本土行动者与“抽象国家"之间 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1.1. --- 江边人的国家观及其体现 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1.2. --- 被动应对：去“政治"化与去“国家"化 --- p.175 / Chapter 7.1.3. --- 积极对策：合法正当性的建立 --- p.176 / Chapter 7.2. --- 本土行动者与“具体国家"之间 --- p.180 / Chapter 7.2.1. --- 国家的本土代理人的分层 --- p.181 / Chapter 7.2.2. --- 本土行动者与国家代理人间的特殊互动模式 --- p.183 / Chapter 7.3. --- 理论对话及小结 --- p.190 / Chapter 8 --- 结论和进一步讨论 --- p.194 / Chapter 8.1. --- 底层集体行动如何得以产生 --- p.195 / Chapter 8.2. --- 底层反坝抗争的潜在产出及潜在长远影响 --- p.198 / Chapter 8.2.1. --- 底层行动者的改变：本土“公民性的形成与创新 --- p.198 / Chapter 8.2.2. --- “本土"的再发掘与重建：社区力量的创新整合 --- p.200 / Chapter 8.2.3. --- 中国新社会力及公共参与空间的拓展与建构 --- p.202 / Chapter 8.2.4. --- 对国家社会关系及中国社会变迁的长期潜在影响 --- p.203 / Chapter 8.3. --- 前瞻：潜在隐患及可能走向 --- p.205 / Chapter 附录一： --- 江边村民的诉求 --- p.208 / 2005清明扫墓活动村民面对NGO和媒体发言节选 --- p.208 / Chapter 附录二： --- 公开呼吁信 --- p.212 / Chapter （一） --- 中国河网：留住虎跳峡、留住长江第一湾 --- p.212 / Chapter （二） --- 金沙江沿岸村民呼吁：坚决不让悲剧在金沙江重演！ --- p.214 / Chapter 附录三 --- 万人联署意见书 --- p.217 / 关于“滇中调水"和虎跳峡电站高坝给国务院的意见书 --- p.217 / 参考文献 --- p.222

No description available.

This thesis examines how the Narmada damming project in India is constituted and contested by the state, affected tribal peoples ( adivasis), and a transnational advocacy network led by the Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save the Narmada Movement). Based on ethnographic fieldwork, and employing critical anthropological perspectives on development and globalization, the power relations underlying dominance and resistance are mapped out. The conflicting discourses, strategies and practices of Narmada proponents and opponents are conceptualized within local, regional, national, and transnational sites and modalities. Further, the negotiation of state dominance and adivasi resistance is analyzed through contradictory practice and shifting political alignments. Lastly, this thesis delineates how the Narmada conflict is permeated by complex symbolic and moral mechanisms activated by both state authorities and activist resistors.

Thesis (M.A.(Development Studies))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Sciences, 2016. / Public participation has become an integral component of development projects, and is encouraged in the South African constitution as well as national laws governing the development and management of the environment. Especially in large infrastructure projects such as dams and water transfer systems, community participation is essential, as these projects leave great social and environmental footprints, with the benefits often accruing far beyond the immediately affected areas. Yet, there is little consensus on how this participation should manifest or what it should hope to achieve. This study sought to examine public participation processes through a case study of a dam and pipeline project, the Mooi Mgeni Transfer Scheme Phase II, particularly in terms of its social impacts. The study draws from the perspectives of all stakeholders involved, namely the various project authorities (government architects, implementing company, engineers, construction contractors), the interested and affected community members, and the independent authorities hired to monitor different aspects of the project. This study found that differing views of participation among these different actors greatly affected the participation that manifested in the project. While project authorities’ primary focus for participation was as a means to achieve project goals, community members expected that participation directly benefit them, whether through mitigating impacts or maximising benefits. These differences are complicated by conflicting conceptions of participation in South African legislation, and scant conflict management mechanisms. These conflicting views of participation led to conflict in participatory spaces, and resistance against the project. This study examines five participatory spaces, namely Environmental Impact Assessment public participation meetings, Environmental Monitoring Committee meetings, the engagement with marginalised communities, the engagement with expropriated landowners, and the engagement with relocated informal farm workers. The analysis illuminates the way that power manifests in participatory spaces and can work for or against community goals, and also the effectiveness of different community strategies to leverage their interests. It finds that trust between project authorities and community members is often lacking, but can significantly reduce conflict when it is present. When conflict does arise, if community members are able to upset the project from proceeding, they can make significant inroads in achieving their interests. However, marginalised contingents of the community are faced with ingrained disempowerment in participatory spaces which is difficult to overcome / GR2017

Esta dissertação desenvolve a idéia de um processo de \"destituição da fala\" de grupos sociais, indígenas, camponeses, ribeirinhos, ameaçados e atingidos por barragens e grupos da sociedade organizada como os sindicatos que representam os trabalhadores das empresas elétricas e organizações não governamentais que discordam da maneira como vem se conduzindo o processo de expansão da oferta de eletricidade através da construção de hidrelétricas. Fazemos dois retrospectos. O primeiro, das lutas sociais por democracia nos últimos 30 anos. O segundo, um histórico da consolidação das empresas elétricas, relacionando-o com a história política brasileira e as relações entre interesses privados e ações de governo. Revela-se uma relação autoritária, pouca participação pública, centralismo decisório e fundamentalmente a prevalência dos interesses capitalistas nos projetos hidrelétricos. O viés autoritário, sendo herança histórica, molda a maneira como até hoje a discussão sobre como a oferta de eletricidade se desenvolve. Os resultados da pesquisa de campo e análise de entrevistas com dirigentes do movimento social organizado, sindicalistas e integrantes da coordenação nacional do Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB) revelam a grande distância entre a produção de diagnósticos, reflexões, expectativas das organizações sociais, organizações não governamentais e uma efetiva incorporação desta produção na discussão sobre novos, antigos e futuros projetos hidrelétricos. Há pouco reconhecimento público e institucional das entidades e movimentos sociais que, a despeito de terem propostas e acúmulo de experiências sobre empreendimentos mal sucedidos, reivindicações sobre o passivo social e ambiental das obras já instaladas, não tomam parte dos processos de discussão e decisão. Esta ausência do processo se materializa como elemento de não-reconhecimento e comprometedor da dignidade de ação política destes agrupamentos sociais. A ampliação de espaços de discussão é tratada ao nível teórico e prático a partir da voz dos entrevistados e nos servindo dos estudos das ciências políticas sobre a constituição de esferas públicas, sobre ação comunicativa e sobre a teoria dos movimentos sociais. Dois exemplos internacionais são trazidos para reflexão: o debate público sobre energia no Quebec e o gerenciamento da utilização dos cursos d\'água e das margens dos rios na Holanda. O processo de criminalização dos movimentos sociais é identificado como um obstáculo à idéia de que se crie, na opinião pública, espaço para se discutir de maneira ampla o uso dos rios, das águas e terras ribeirinhas. Conclui-se este trabalho de dissertação apontando algumas oportunidades políticas e frentes de atuação através das quais os movimentos sociais, sindicatos, organizações não governamentais, podem ampliar o espaço de discussão. A participação nos comitês de bacias, exploração das heterogeneidades nos espaços de governo, alianças entre movimento sindical, movimentos sociais e ONGs e a importância dos ciclos de protesto diante de um cenário de criminalização dos movimentos sociais podem, concomitantemente, ampliar espaço e juntar forças para denunciar e se contrapor ao esgotamento dos recursos naturais e à expropriação autoritária e acelerada das terras dos pequenos proprietários, pescadores e moradores ribeirinhos que a instalação de uma quantidade enorme de empreendimentos hidrelétricos vem consolidando. / This Dissertation develops the idea of a process of suppression of the voice of social groups, indigenous peoples, rural workers, riverside populations, those threatened by or victims of Dams construction, and groups of the organized society such as those unions that represent the workers of the electricity companies and non government organizations that disagree with the way how the process of expansion of the electricity supply is being conducted through the construction of hydroelectric plants. We present two retrospective overviews. The first one addresses the social movements in their fight for democracy in the last 30 years. The second one addresses the history of the consolidation of the electricity companies, relating it to the Brazilian politics history and the relationship between private interests and government actions. It is revealed an authoritarian relationship, a small public participation, a centralized decision systems and, essentially, the prevailing of the capitalist interests in the hydroelectric projects. The authoritarian bias, an historic heritage, shapes the way how the discussion on electricity supply developed until the present. The results of the field research and the analysis of the interviews of leaders of the organized social movements, union leaders, and members of the national coordination of the \"Dam Affected People Movement\" - Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), reveal a large gap between the production of diagnostic analysis, expectances of the social organizations and non government organizations, and any substantial incorporation of this production in the discussion of new, previous and future hydroelectric projects. There is little public and institutional recognition of those organizations and social movements, which, in spite of having proposals, experiences on projects with bad outcomes, and demands on the social and environmental liability of the plants already in operation, do not take part in the discussions of the decision making process. The expansion of the discussion arenas is addressed at the theoretical and practical levels, having as base materials the interviews conducted during the field research and political sciences studies on the constitution of public spheres, on the communicative action, and on the theory of social movements. Two international examples are brought to discussion: the public debate on Energy in the Quebec Province, and the management of the use of the riverside space in the Netherlands. The process of criminalization of the social movements is identified as an obstacle to the idea of creating, in the public opinion, spaces for a comprehensive discussion on the use of rivers, of the water, as well as of the river side lands. This dissertation concludes with the identification of political opportunities and directions of action through which the social movements, unions, and non-government organizations can expand the space for discussion. The participation in river basin committees, the exploration of heterogeneous spaces of government, alliances among the unions movement, social movements and NGOs, and the importance of cycles of protest in a scenario of criminalization of social movements can, all together, expand the space and add strengths to make public and to fight against the exaustion of natural resources and the fast and authoritarian expropriation of lands of small rural owners, fishers and riverine inhabitants, which is being consolidated by the large development of hydroelectric enterprises.

Esta dissertação desenvolve a idéia de um processo de \"destituição da fala\" de grupos sociais, indígenas, camponeses, ribeirinhos, ameaçados e atingidos por barragens e grupos da sociedade organizada como os sindicatos que representam os trabalhadores das empresas elétricas e organizações não governamentais que discordam da maneira como vem se conduzindo o processo de expansão da oferta de eletricidade através da construção de hidrelétricas. Fazemos dois retrospectos. O primeiro, das lutas sociais por democracia nos últimos 30 anos. O segundo, um histórico da consolidação das empresas elétricas, relacionando-o com a história política brasileira e as relações entre interesses privados e ações de governo. Revela-se uma relação autoritária, pouca participação pública, centralismo decisório e fundamentalmente a prevalência dos interesses capitalistas nos projetos hidrelétricos. O viés autoritário, sendo herança histórica, molda a maneira como até hoje a discussão sobre como a oferta de eletricidade se desenvolve. Os resultados da pesquisa de campo e análise de entrevistas com dirigentes do movimento social organizado, sindicalistas e integrantes da coordenação nacional do Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB) revelam a grande distância entre a produção de diagnósticos, reflexões, expectativas das organizações sociais, organizações não governamentais e uma efetiva incorporação desta produção na discussão sobre novos, antigos e futuros projetos hidrelétricos. Há pouco reconhecimento público e institucional das entidades e movimentos sociais que, a despeito de terem propostas e acúmulo de experiências sobre empreendimentos mal sucedidos, reivindicações sobre o passivo social e ambiental das obras já instaladas, não tomam parte dos processos de discussão e decisão. Esta ausência do processo se materializa como elemento de não-reconhecimento e comprometedor da dignidade de ação política destes agrupamentos sociais. A ampliação de espaços de discussão é tratada ao nível teórico e prático a partir da voz dos entrevistados e nos servindo dos estudos das ciências políticas sobre a constituição de esferas públicas, sobre ação comunicativa e sobre a teoria dos movimentos sociais. Dois exemplos internacionais são trazidos para reflexão: o debate público sobre energia no Quebec e o gerenciamento da utilização dos cursos d\'água e das margens dos rios na Holanda. O processo de criminalização dos movimentos sociais é identificado como um obstáculo à idéia de que se crie, na opinião pública, espaço para se discutir de maneira ampla o uso dos rios, das águas e terras ribeirinhas. Conclui-se este trabalho de dissertação apontando algumas oportunidades políticas e frentes de atuação através das quais os movimentos sociais, sindicatos, organizações não governamentais, podem ampliar o espaço de discussão. A participação nos comitês de bacias, exploração das heterogeneidades nos espaços de governo, alianças entre movimento sindical, movimentos sociais e ONGs e a importância dos ciclos de protesto diante de um cenário de criminalização dos movimentos sociais podem, concomitantemente, ampliar espaço e juntar forças para denunciar e se contrapor ao esgotamento dos recursos naturais e à expropriação autoritária e acelerada das terras dos pequenos proprietários, pescadores e moradores ribeirinhos que a instalação de uma quantidade enorme de empreendimentos hidrelétricos vem consolidando. / This Dissertation develops the idea of a process of suppression of the voice of social groups, indigenous peoples, rural workers, riverside populations, those threatened by or victims of Dams construction, and groups of the organized society such as those unions that represent the workers of the electricity companies and non government organizations that disagree with the way how the process of expansion of the electricity supply is being conducted through the construction of hydroelectric plants. We present two retrospective overviews. The first one addresses the social movements in their fight for democracy in the last 30 years. The second one addresses the history of the consolidation of the electricity companies, relating it to the Brazilian politics history and the relationship between private interests and government actions. It is revealed an authoritarian relationship, a small public participation, a centralized decision systems and, essentially, the prevailing of the capitalist interests in the hydroelectric projects. The authoritarian bias, an historic heritage, shapes the way how the discussion on electricity supply developed until the present. The results of the field research and the analysis of the interviews of leaders of the organized social movements, union leaders, and members of the national coordination of the \"Dam Affected People Movement\" - Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), reveal a large gap between the production of diagnostic analysis, expectances of the social organizations and non government organizations, and any substantial incorporation of this production in the discussion of new, previous and future hydroelectric projects. There is little public and institutional recognition of those organizations and social movements, which, in spite of having proposals, experiences on projects with bad outcomes, and demands on the social and environmental liability of the plants already in operation, do not take part in the discussions of the decision making process. The expansion of the discussion arenas is addressed at the theoretical and practical levels, having as base materials the interviews conducted during the field research and political sciences studies on the constitution of public spheres, on the communicative action, and on the theory of social movements. Two international examples are brought to discussion: the public debate on Energy in the Quebec Province, and the management of the use of the riverside space in the Netherlands. The process of criminalization of the social movements is identified as an obstacle to the idea of creating, in the public opinion, spaces for a comprehensive discussion on the use of rivers, of the water, as well as of the river side lands. This dissertation concludes with the identification of political opportunities and directions of action through which the social movements, unions, and non-government organizations can expand the space for discussion. The participation in river basin committees, the exploration of heterogeneous spaces of government, alliances among the unions movement, social movements and NGOs, and the importance of cycles of protest in a scenario of criminalization of social movements can, all together, expand the space and add strengths to make public and to fight against the exaustion of natural resources and the fast and authoritarian expropriation of lands of small rural owners, fishers and riverine inhabitants, which is being consolidated by the large development of hydroelectric enterprises.

published_or_final_version / abstract / toc / China Area Studies / Master / Master of Arts