The belief that society benefits from the adoption of democratic practices and a desire to improve schooling in South Africa, motivate this research. The social objective of the research is therefore to determine what are the causes of the persistent failure of the South African schooling system and to what extent community participation may serve to resolve them. The technological objective is to determine the feasibility of utilising social media for addressing social problems through enabling participative democracy. The potential for community participation in South African schools is therefore viewed through the lens of Internet enabled participative democracy. A design science-inspired research framework is devised in a qualitative study adopting a critical interpretevist epistemology. The study entails three phases applying a mixing of methods to perform critical research, context-based evaluation and critical interpretive evaluation. The first phase reveals the fundamental problems impacting the schooling education system in South Africa and determines that the underlying cause for their persistence lies in a systemic problem of conflicting legislation and policies caused by ideological differences within the ruling tripartite alliance. It further identifies through critical inference, specific practices by school communities which could improve the education system by participative, democratic action. The second phase evaluates the capacity for selected, popularly used social media artefacts to serve as communication and collaboration tools, in the schooling context, to enable community participation. These are found to be inadequate. The third phase is an evaluation of the technologies capable of facilitating activities required to achieve democratic participation of communities in schools and results in the description of an artefact that could enable a “networked social service media” system. The paper substantiates the notion that an appropriately designed, Internet enabled social media artefact, can promote the participation of communities in schools in South Africa.

According to the Swedish curriculum the education should establish respect for human rights and democratic values (Skolverket, 2011, s.7). The purpose of this study is to investigate how five first grade teachers understand the democracy education and how they practice it in reality. I have, based on the purpose of this study issued following questions: What is the teachers interpretation of the democracy education?  How does the teachers work with democracy in practice? What difficulties does the teachers see with the democracy education? This study is made through a qualitative method based on interviews with five teachers. The results show that the teachers at both schools, despite the different definitions of the concept of democracy, yet interprets democracy education relatively equal. All of the teachers perceive the democracy education as an assignment where the focus is on student participation, responsibility and opinions as well as human rights. In practice the work with the democracy education is done through activities such as class councils and voting. The teachers also emphasizes discussions as an important part of the democracy education which can be linked to deliberative democracy. The difficulties that teachers see with the democracy education concerns being neutral to certain values. One conclusion from this study is that teachers work with democracy education mostly on the basis of learning for and learning through democracy.

Este trabalho pretendeu investigar a aplicação dos instrumentos de participação popular, em especial o chamado \"orçamento participativo\", como forma de aprimoramento da democracia local. Para tanto, pretendeu-se aprofundar os conceitos necessários acerca da democracia e da participação popular, levando em consideração os aspectos da gestão pública, observando a aplicação do instrumento do orçamento participativo através de um estudo de caso na cidade de Ribeirão Preto, estado de São Paulo. A pesquisa se baseou em uma descrição do aprimoramento da participativo a partir do ano de 1993, especialmente em dois momentos: (a) o período de 1993 a 1996 e de 2001 a 2004, relativo à duas primeiras gestões cujo Poder Executivo foi presidido pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores, e; (b) o período de 2009-2012 e 2013-2016, quando o Poder Executivo municipal foi presidido por partido de posicionamento ideológico diverso. Nos dois períodos analisados são detectadas experiências de participação popular que permitissem a deliberação e a decisão do munícipe sobre parte das verbas orçamentárias do município. Assim, após o aprofundamento teórico do tema, buscou-se através de análise de documentos, notícias, livros específicos, normativas locais e observação direta, descrever ambas as experiências. Após, foram utilizados critérios levantados por outros pesquisadores sobre o tema para identificar se as práticas descritas poderiam ser categorizadas como um Orçamento Participativo. Por fim, aprofundou-se a análise das experiências com base em quatro elementos que seriam requisitos para um Orçamento Participativo bem-sucedido: (a) capacidade financeira, (b) vontade política, (c) desenho institucional e (d) densidade associativa. As constatações apontam para reais experiências de Orçamento Participativo no município de Ribeirão Preto, porém, estas não se desvincularam como um programa independente da vontade do governante, e com isso parecem ficar sempre à vontade política como pressuposto indispensável, assim como parecem apontar também para um descompasso entre o seu desenho e o tempo necessário para a sua concretização, o que se relaciona com a dimensão financeira dada ao programa e a capacidade administrativa da administração pública em gerenciá-la. / This work aimed to investigate the application of the instruments of popular participation, especially the so-called \"participatory budgeting\", as a way of improving local democracy. In order to do so, it was intended to deepen the necessary concepts about democracy and popular participation, taking into account aspects of public management, observing the application of the participatory budget instrument through a case study in the city of Ribeirão Preto, São Paulo. The research was based on a description of the improvement of the participatory from the year 1993, especially in two moments: (a) the period from 1993 to 1996 and from 2001 to 2004, concerning the first two administrations whose Executive Power was presided over by the Party Of Workers, and; (b) the period from 2009-2012 to 2013-2016, when the municipal executive branch was presided over by a different ideological position. In the two analyzed periods, experiences of popular participation were detected that allowed the deliberation and the decision of the citizen on part of the budgetary funds of the municipality. Thus, after the theoretical investigation of the theme, we have sought through analysis of documents, news, specific books, local regulations and direct observation, to describe both experiences. Afterwards, criteria used by other researchers were used to identify whether the practices described could be categorized as a Participatory Budget. Finally, the analysis of the experiences was deepened based on four elements that would be requirements for a successful Participatory Budget: (a) financial capacity, (b) political will, (c) institutional design and (d) associative density. The findings point to real participatory budgeting experiences in the city of Ribeirão Preto, however, these did not separate as a program independent of the will of the ruler, and with that they seem to always remain at political will as an indispensable presupposition, just as they also seem to point to a mismatch between its design and the time needed to achieve it, which is related to the financial dimension given to the program and the administrative capacity of the public administration to manage it.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-04T17:06:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Gomes de Moraes.pdf: 1911739 bytes, checksum: 0d179a66169a57e74f00c95d25c68b06 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-04T17:06:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Gomes de Moraes.pdf: 1911739 bytes, checksum: 0d179a66169a57e74f00c95d25c68b06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-07 / It is understood that the councils are a participatory institution in which they are incorporated civil society actors and state actors who simultaneously participate in political deliberation. In view of this, this research was to study the object of the Municipal Councils of State for Tourism of São Paulo and was based on the concepts of participation, participatory democracy, participatory institutions and effectiveness. In this context, the aim of this study is to analyze the effectiveness of municipal tourist boards, as regards the formation of a space full of participation of social actors, representatives of government, the private sector and community for the municipal tourism development. Was adopted the method of case study for the development of this research, we used the multiple case study, the Tourism Municipal Councils of Brotas, São Sebastião and Santos were searched. As a research result can be said that the legal and formal institutionalization of Tourism Councils does not guarantee the inclusion of citizens and civil society associations in the deliberations on political. The decentralized program of tourism designed by the federal government as an action to promote the organization, structuring, integration and coordination of boards for tourism management at different levels and institutional and corporate sectors do not correspond to reality. The practices of these councils do not guarantee and does not lead to the ideals of participative democracy / Entende-se que os Conselhos são uma instituição participativa em que são incorporados atores da sociedade civil e atores estatais que participam simultaneamente na deliberação de políticas. Em face a isto, esta pesquisa teve como objeto de estudo os Conselhos Municipais de Turismo do Estado de São Paulo e baseou-se nos conceitos de participação, democracia participativa, instituições participativas e efetividade. Neste contexto, objetivou-se como este estudo analisar a efetividade dos conselhos municipais de turismo, no que se refere a constituição de um espaço pleno de participação dos atores sociais, representantes do poder público, da iniciativa privada e comunidade visando o desenvolvimento turístico municipal. Adotou-se o método do Estudo de Caso para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, utilizou-se do estudo de casos múltiplos, foram pesquisados os Conselhos Municipais de Turismo de Brotas, São Sebastião e Santos. Como resultado de pesquisa pode-se dizer que a institucionalização legal e formal dos Conselhos de Turismo não garante a incorporação de cidadãos e associações da sociedade civil na deliberação sobre políticas. O programa de gestão descentralizada do turismo desenhada pelo governo federal como uma ação para promover a organização, estruturação, integração e articulação dos colegiados para a gestão do turismo nos diferentes níveis e setores institucionais e empresariais não correspondem à realidade. As práticas destes Conselhos não garantem e nem conduzem aos ideais da democracia participativa

O presente trabalho procura demonstrar a evolução do conceito jurídico de cidadania, buscando compreender qual conceito melhor reflete o panorama democrático do século XXI. A democracia atual implica o envolvimento de múltiplos personagens, caminhando para a ampliação das formas de participação e do espaço de compartilhamento do poder entre a população e seus representantes. O conceito jurídico tradicional de cidadania se diferencia do conceito adotado pelas demais áreas do conhecimento, pois a limita aos direitos políticos ativos e passivos. Essa concepção clássica parece não corresponder ao atual estágio democrático, em que os governos passam a sofrer maior influência externa e interna, além da crescente possibilidade de participação dos personagens estranhos. É inegável o desconforto em conferir aos não detentores dos direitos políticos a condição de não-cidadãos, mesmo se esse conceito for considerado estritamente técnico. As ciências não-jurídicas desenvolveram o conceito de cidadania a partir do período pós-guerra, especialmente com a concepção de direito a ter direitos, introduzida por Hannah Arendt, a partir da qual os direitos políticos já não se resumem mais ao direito de votar e de ser votado. A possibilidade de participação e de compartilhamento do poder demonstra ser a cidadania um elemento democrático de significado muito mais amplo, cujo conceito deve ser construído não apenas à luz do direito positivo vigente, mas também considerando a necessária afirmação dos Direitos Humanos. Assim, pode-se dizer que o conceito jurídico de cidadania que fundamenta o Estado Democrático de Direito da República Federativa do Brasil deve ser entendido como o \"princípio da máxima inclusão possível\" dos indivíduos nas esferas política, econômica, cultural e social. / This present work aims at showing the evolution of the citizenship legal concept, seeking to comprehend which concept better reflects the democratic panorama of the 21st Century. Current democracy implicates the involvement of multiple characters walking towards the enhancement of participation forms and power sharing space between population and its representative. The traditional legal concept of citizenship differentiates from the concept adopted by other knowledge areas because it limits active and passive electoral rights. This classic conception seems not to relate to the current democracy stage, in which governments suffer greater external and internal influences, other than the possibility of foreign characters participation. It is undeniable how uneasy it is to grant non-citizen status to those not holding electoral rights, even if this concept is considered strictly technical. Non-legal sciences have developed the concept of citizenship from the post-war period, particularly with the conception of right to have rights introduced by Hannah Arendt, from which political rights are no longer narrowed to the right to vote and to be voted. The possibility of participation and sharing power evidences that citizenship is a democratic element with a much broader meaning, which concept must be built not only at the light of the positive right in force but also considering the required affirmation of Human Rights. Therefore, one can say that the legal concept of citizenship providing grounds to the Democratic State based on the rule of Law of the Federative Republic of Brazil must be understood as principle of maximum possible inclusion of individuals in the political, economical, cultural and social branches.

Este trabalho pretendeu investigar a aplicação dos instrumentos de participação popular, em especial o chamado \"orçamento participativo\", como forma de aprimoramento da democracia local. Para tanto, pretendeu-se aprofundar os conceitos necessários acerca da democracia e da participação popular, levando em consideração os aspectos da gestão pública, observando a aplicação do instrumento do orçamento participativo através de um estudo de caso na cidade de Ribeirão Preto, estado de São Paulo. A pesquisa se baseou em uma descrição do aprimoramento da participativo a partir do ano de 1993, especialmente em dois momentos: (a) o período de 1993 a 1996 e de 2001 a 2004, relativo à duas primeiras gestões cujo Poder Executivo foi presidido pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores, e; (b) o período de 2009-2012 e 2013-2016, quando o Poder Executivo municipal foi presidido por partido de posicionamento ideológico diverso. Nos dois períodos analisados são detectadas experiências de participação popular que permitissem a deliberação e a decisão do munícipe sobre parte das verbas orçamentárias do município. Assim, após o aprofundamento teórico do tema, buscou-se através de análise de documentos, notícias, livros específicos, normativas locais e observação direta, descrever ambas as experiências. Após, foram utilizados critérios levantados por outros pesquisadores sobre o tema para identificar se as práticas descritas poderiam ser categorizadas como um Orçamento Participativo. Por fim, aprofundou-se a análise das experiências com base em quatro elementos que seriam requisitos para um Orçamento Participativo bem-sucedido: (a) capacidade financeira, (b) vontade política, (c) desenho institucional e (d) densidade associativa. As constatações apontam para reais experiências de Orçamento Participativo no município de Ribeirão Preto, porém, estas não se desvincularam como um programa independente da vontade do governante, e com isso parecem ficar sempre à vontade política como pressuposto indispensável, assim como parecem apontar também para um descompasso entre o seu desenho e o tempo necessário para a sua concretização, o que se relaciona com a dimensão financeira dada ao programa e a capacidade administrativa da administração pública em gerenciá-la. / This work aimed to investigate the application of the instruments of popular participation, especially the so-called \"participatory budgeting\", as a way of improving local democracy. In order to do so, it was intended to deepen the necessary concepts about democracy and popular participation, taking into account aspects of public management, observing the application of the participatory budget instrument through a case study in the city of Ribeirão Preto, São Paulo. The research was based on a description of the improvement of the participatory from the year 1993, especially in two moments: (a) the period from 1993 to 1996 and from 2001 to 2004, concerning the first two administrations whose Executive Power was presided over by the Party Of Workers, and; (b) the period from 2009-2012 to 2013-2016, when the municipal executive branch was presided over by a different ideological position. In the two analyzed periods, experiences of popular participation were detected that allowed the deliberation and the decision of the citizen on part of the budgetary funds of the municipality. Thus, after the theoretical investigation of the theme, we have sought through analysis of documents, news, specific books, local regulations and direct observation, to describe both experiences. Afterwards, criteria used by other researchers were used to identify whether the practices described could be categorized as a Participatory Budget. Finally, the analysis of the experiences was deepened based on four elements that would be requirements for a successful Participatory Budget: (a) financial capacity, (b) political will, (c) institutional design and (d) associative density. The findings point to real participatory budgeting experiences in the city of Ribeirão Preto, however, these did not separate as a program independent of the will of the ruler, and with that they seem to always remain at political will as an indispensable presupposition, just as they also seem to point to a mismatch between its design and the time needed to achieve it, which is related to the financial dimension given to the program and the administrative capacity of the public administration to manage it.

This dissertation examines contemporary changes in relations and forms of urban governance by focusing on neighborhood associations in Tucson and analyzing their practices and experiences in the midst of an emerging trend that values collective action and direct democracy. This urban ethnography focuses on practices, strategies, and ideologies of neighborhood associations to discuss issues of representation, participation, and social integration. This dissertation is based on fieldwork conducted for a total of 24 months between 2005 and 2007. It combines participant observation and in-depth interviews with Tucson residents, members of neighborhood associations, and City and non-governmental organizations' officials.This work is presented in three main parts divided into several chapters. In the first part, I provide a general review of the development of concepts of governance and representative democracy in contemporary as well as earlier times. I aim to contextualize the work of neighborhood associations within a general movement towards more direct participatory democracy and argue that a new understanding of the transformations impacting the functioning of representative democracy is crucial to its preservation as a central institution of social integration.The second part of this dissertation presents an analysis of fieldwork data and argues that neighborhood associations are positioning themselves, at the local and global levels, as an important part of the emerging discourses and practices of civil society. Within this broad context, neighborhood associations engage in a variety of activities, pursue multiple strategies, and adopt very different ideologies. A central idea that results from this analysis is that neighborhood associations greatly value practices of direct democracy and strive to exercise greater control over processes of representative democracy in order to prevent its perceived deficiencies from thwarting their projects and corrupting their ideals.The third part extends the data analysis and provides a political and historical reconstruction of neighborhood associations and their cultural evolution as a continuation of the counterculture movement of the 1960s. I also argue that there is a powerful drive towards the global implementation and exercise of direct democratic processes. I draw on the example of Morocco's urban governance reforms and discuss its growing neighborhood associations to show the delicate and conflicted paths they tread between their engagement with the existing system of representative democracy and their attempts to step beyond the limitations of that system to carry out some of the ideals of building a direct and participatory urban democracy.

O presente trabalho procura demonstrar a evolução do conceito jurídico de cidadania, buscando compreender qual conceito melhor reflete o panorama democrático do século XXI. A democracia atual implica o envolvimento de múltiplos personagens, caminhando para a ampliação das formas de participação e do espaço de compartilhamento do poder entre a população e seus representantes. O conceito jurídico tradicional de cidadania se diferencia do conceito adotado pelas demais áreas do conhecimento, pois a limita aos direitos políticos ativos e passivos. Essa concepção clássica parece não corresponder ao atual estágio democrático, em que os governos passam a sofrer maior influência externa e interna, além da crescente possibilidade de participação dos personagens estranhos. É inegável o desconforto em conferir aos não detentores dos direitos políticos a condição de não-cidadãos, mesmo se esse conceito for considerado estritamente técnico. As ciências não-jurídicas desenvolveram o conceito de cidadania a partir do período pós-guerra, especialmente com a concepção de direito a ter direitos, introduzida por Hannah Arendt, a partir da qual os direitos políticos já não se resumem mais ao direito de votar e de ser votado. A possibilidade de participação e de compartilhamento do poder demonstra ser a cidadania um elemento democrático de significado muito mais amplo, cujo conceito deve ser construído não apenas à luz do direito positivo vigente, mas também considerando a necessária afirmação dos Direitos Humanos. Assim, pode-se dizer que o conceito jurídico de cidadania que fundamenta o Estado Democrático de Direito da República Federativa do Brasil deve ser entendido como o \"princípio da máxima inclusão possível\" dos indivíduos nas esferas política, econômica, cultural e social. / This present work aims at showing the evolution of the citizenship legal concept, seeking to comprehend which concept better reflects the democratic panorama of the 21st Century. Current democracy implicates the involvement of multiple characters walking towards the enhancement of participation forms and power sharing space between population and its representative. The traditional legal concept of citizenship differentiates from the concept adopted by other knowledge areas because it limits active and passive electoral rights. This classic conception seems not to relate to the current democracy stage, in which governments suffer greater external and internal influences, other than the possibility of foreign characters participation. It is undeniable how uneasy it is to grant non-citizen status to those not holding electoral rights, even if this concept is considered strictly technical. Non-legal sciences have developed the concept of citizenship from the post-war period, particularly with the conception of right to have rights introduced by Hannah Arendt, from which political rights are no longer narrowed to the right to vote and to be voted. The possibility of participation and sharing power evidences that citizenship is a democratic element with a much broader meaning, which concept must be built not only at the light of the positive right in force but also considering the required affirmation of Human Rights. Therefore, one can say that the legal concept of citizenship providing grounds to the Democratic State based on the rule of Law of the Federative Republic of Brazil must be understood as principle of maximum possible inclusion of individuals in the political, economical, cultural and social branches.

Le 23 octobre 2000 le Parlement européen a adopté la Directive Cadre européenne sur l’Eau (2000/60/CE), directive qui règlemente pour l’ensemble des États membres de l'Union européenne la protection globale de la ressource en eau. La DCE repose sur l’articulation étroite de trois principes généraux chargés d’organiser la gestion de l’eau des États-membres. Le premier principe est une exigence de résultats exprimée par l’obligation d’atteindre « le bon état écologique » des eaux à l’échéance de 2015, 2022 et 2027. Le second principe affiché par la DCE est la prise en compte explicite des enjeux économiques par une internalisation des coûts visant, – selon le principe pollueur-payeur – à faire assumer la charge financière des dégradations de l’eau par les usagers qui en sont jugés responsables. Le troisième principe de la DCE est celui d’une participation des parties prenantes à la définition des politiques de l’eau, exprimé par l’obligation de consultation du public. Prévue dans l’article 14 de la DCE, cette consultation vise à ce que les Programmes De Mesures (PDM) de chaque bassin hydrographique soient systématiquement soumis aux observations du public à diverses étapes de l’élaboration et de l’évaluation des résultats. La prise à témoin du public dans la politique de l’eau est interprétée à la fois comme réponse politique à la défiance des citoyens vis-à-vis autorités politiques (en particulier européennes) permettant de renforcer la réactivité des gouvernants, et également comme une composante de la nouvelle gestion publique visant à substituer à la régulation étatique classique des règles gestionnaires d’arbitrage entre les différentes parties-prenantes des enjeux environnementaux. Le dispositif de recherche sociologique s’appuie sur plusieurs niveaux d’analyse : un examen comparé des déclinaisons nationales de la transposition de la DCE en France et aux Pays-Bas, analysées en termes de configurations institutionnelles, et une recherche portant sur la conception, le déroulement et les effets produits par la consultation – appréhendée comme un instrument d’action publique – telle qu’elle s’est déroulée, entre 2004 et 2009. / The European Parliament adopted in 2000 the European Water Framework Directive (2000/60/WFD), directive which regulates for all Member States of the European Union the overall protection of water resources. The WFD is based on the close linkage of three general principles responsible for organizing the water management of the Member States. The first principle is a demand for results expressed by the requirement to achieve "good ecological status" of waters in the 2015, 2022 and 2027. The second principle displayed by the WFD is the explicit consideration of economic issues in cost internalization - according to the polluter pays principle - to assume the financial burden of degradation of water users who are deemed responsible. The third principle of the WFD refers to a stakeholder participation in the definition of water policy, as expressed by the requirement for public consultation. Provided for in the Article 14 of the WFD, we assume public consultation is to ensure that the programs of measures for each watershed are routinely shown to public comment at various stages of development and evaluation of results. To witness the taking of public, in water policy, is interpreted both as a political response to the distrust of citizens vis-à-vis the political authorities (particularly European) to enhance the responsiveness of governments, and also as a component of "mind management" to substitute for state regulation of arbitration rules managers between different stakeholders on environmental issues. The device of sociological research is based on several levels of analysis: a comparison of the national and local concerning the WFD transposition in France and the Netherlands, and a research on the design, the conduct and the effects produced by public consultation, seased as policy tools, between 2004 and 2009.

A la veille de l’élection présidentielle de 2007, la candidate du Parti socialiste, Ségolène Royal, revendique la transformation des modalités classiques d'une campagne électorale au profit de méthodes participatives. Sans rompre avec certaines techniques habituelles du marketing et de la communication politique, cette démarche se fonde sur des expériences délibératives menées au niveau local ou à l’étranger et sur les capacités interactives d’Internet mises au service de nouvelles pratiques démocratiques. Elle participe à la mutation en cours dans les partis politiques, confrontés à des enjeux de démocratie interne et à une interrogation persistante sur leur représentativité. Dans cette thèse, nous mettons en évidence les tensions, les interactions et les formes d’hybridation entre les logiques partisanes et les innovations participatives. Nous montrons comment la construction de dispositifs participatifs agit comme révélateur des rapports de force entre les principaux acteurs du jeu partisan. / In the months preceding the presidential elections of 2007, the Socialist party’s candidate, Ségolène Royal, laid claim to a transformation in traditional electoral campaign tactics in favor of participative methods. These included deliberative experiences both at the local level and abroad, as well as a use of the interactive possibilities of the internet to further new democratic practices, without of course abandoning the more routine techniques used in political marketing and communication. This dissertation explores the tension, interactions, and forms of hybridization that emerged between partisan politics and participative innovations. It highlights the ways the development of participative strategies acts to reveal the power relations between the main actors of the partisan political game.