Dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters: Public Management, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Protests are an integral part of many social, political and economic activities in societies all over the world, and the concept of protest is an on-going subject of scholarly endeavour. The occurrence of protests in South Africa, however, highlights significant deficit in meeting the huge expectations from a formerly disadvantaged majority of the population. Furthermore, the current preponderance of protest incidents in the Eastern Cape Province, and particularly in the Mbizana Local Municipality proffered the motive for this research. The incidence of protests in the study area, in most cases, has been attributed to poor service delivery and the high expectations for improved social and economic development. While issues related to the delivery of basic services are attended to, the continued occurrence and increasing intensity of these protest incidents, has led to the argument that other factors are also at play. Using a mixed methods approach, the study employed a questionnaire survey to elicit information linked to the incidence of protests. Two hundred and eighty respondents from three selected wards in the local municipality were randomly sampled, and three municipal officials were also interviewed to explore the factors influencing protest incidents in the study area. Findings from the study point to the profusion of unresolved community complaints coupled with slow- paced provision of services, intra-party disagreements among political factions in the municipal council, and crime-related incidents; as factors responsible for protests in the local municipality. The study shows the preponderance of disagreements among political party members as a leading cause for protest incidents, unrelated to the provision of basic services. Also, the demand for justice among victims of criminal incidents was found to be another reason for the increasing number of protest events in the Mbizana Local Municipality. / M

This study aimed at investigating the legitimacy of violence as political act, especially the issue of vandalism surrounding service delivery protests in South Africa. The investigation was conducted in a small township around Soweto called Kliptown as a case study. This study was necessitated by the increasing number of violent service delivery protests around all provinces in the country. The statement of the problem provided a foundation within which the aims of the study were explained. The importance of this research cannot be justified enough especially given the mounting daily protests witnessed over service delivery by different communities from different provinces around the country.

Many have described South Africa as a protest-rich nation. Some have defended this high level of protest as an indication that this country has a functional democracy where peoples’ right to raise their dissatisfaction with government through protesting is protected. These protests take different forms, with some displaying signs of criminality where protesters vandalise private and public property, while others proceed peacefully. This project examines and interprets the dynamics and circumstances surrounding these events and processes through empirical research, and explores their relationship to development. This dissertation attempts to establish what motivates people to engage in these protests, to assess the impact and consequences of protests in South African local communities, and to assess whether the different forms of protest were effective in compelling government to address protesters' developmental demands. The research undertaken was of a qualitative nature, and the researcher sourced the information from community members and community leaders. As the process of collecting empirical data unfolded, it became clear that the Marianridge and Umlazi Z Section case studies presented in this dissertation indicated that developmental local government without public participation is ineffective.

At the dawn of democracy, the ANC led government inherited an economy with wide spread socio-economic imbalances and geo-spatial challenges. Since 1994, policies have been put in place to try and close the gap between the haves and the have nots in society. It is twenty years on, and significant in-roads have been made towards improving the lives of the masses. Twenty years has not been enough time however, to eliminate the remnants of the oppressive regime. Since 2004, there has been a steady rise in the number of service delivery protests witnessed across the country. The masses of the poor are showing their dissatisfaction with the slow pace of change and development. Service delivery protests as they are known are community protests driven primarily by complaints around inadequate basic service provision. These protests have however been proven to be about a variety of other complaints against municipalities. These include: lack of proper housing, inadequate job opportunities, and allegations of nepotism, fraud and corruption against municipal officials and a general feeling of alienation from the structures of democracy. These inadequacies and frustrations are compounded in the case of informal settlements, where the most basic of services are scarce. The City of Johannesburg has one hundred and eighty four informal settlements, which present the city with major service provision challenges. A substantial amount of research has been done on the causes of service delivery protests and yet a gap exists in terms of literature on the impact of these on development. The main aim of this study was therefore to determine the impact of service delivery protests on development in the Zandspruit informal settlement. The research was carried out in the form of unstructured and semi-structured interviews with the Ward Councillor for Zandspruit (which is in Ward 114, Region C of the City of Johannesburg), the Ward Administrator, Ward Committee as well as members of the community. The findings of the study show a community in distress, with little or no access to basic services such as water and sanitation. The housing challenges in the area are representative of some of the worst housing challenges faced by the city. Lack of communication and a general distrust between the ward councillor and her ward committee make for very poor ward governance. The apparent apathy shown by the municipality is alarming. The pace of development in Zandspruit is incredibly slow, and not even the often violent service delivery protests witnessed in the area have improved the situation.

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in Afrikaans and English / 'n Groep Afrikaners onder leiding van die Afrikanervolksf ront bet voor die algemene verkiesing in 1994, hulle aktief teen die veranderinge in Suid-Afrika verset op grond van oenskynlik religieuse motiewe. Hulle bet hulle op die morele gesag van Johannes Calvyn (1509 - 1564) beroep vir hulle uitgangspunte en wyse van protes. In hierdie studie is die uitgangspunte en media van Afrikanerprotes in 1994 vergelyk met die uitgangspunte en media van protes soos wat Calvyn dit verwoord en toegepas bet. In die proefskrif is eerstens gekyk na die rol wat religie en ideologie in die samelewing vervul en daar is veral gekonsentreer op die onderskeid wat Jacques Ellul tref tussen outentieke geloof en godsdiens in diens van 'n ideologie. Tweedens is die historiese ontwikkeling van Afrikanemasionalisme en die Calvinistiese onderbou daarvan ondersoek. Derdens is 'n kort oorsig oor die Reformasie en 'n lewensbeskrywing van Johannes Calvyn voorsien. Indie vierde plek is die uitgangspunte en media van protes, soos verwoord deur Calvyn, beskryf. 'n Model vir protes is op grond van Calvyn se standpunte afgelei. Vyfdens is Afrikanerprotes voor die 1994-verkiesing beskryf en aan die hand van Calvyn se standpunte beoordeel. In die laaste hoofstuk word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die uitgangspunte en media van Afrikanerprotes nie voldoen aan die eise wat Calvyn vir protes stel nie. Dit blyk ook dat in die geval van Afrikanerprotes, godsdiens as kommunikasiemedium in 'n ideologiese rol aangewend is. Laastens word enkele voorstelle vir verdere navorsing gemaak. / Prior to the general election in 1994, a group of Afrikaners under the leadership of the Afrikanervolksfront actively resisted the changes in South Africa on the grounds of apparant religious motives. They invoked the moral authority of John Calvin (1509-1564) for their convictions and manner of protest. In this study there is a comparison of the views and media of the Afrikaner protest in 1994 with the views and media of protest as expressed and applied by Calvin. The thesis begins with a consideration of the role played in society by religion and ideology, concentrating particularly on the distinction drawn by Jacques Ellul between authentic faith and religion in the service of an ideology. Then, the historical development of Afrikaner nationalism and its Calvinistic substructure are examined. Thirdly, there is a short account of the Reformation and the life of John Calvin. The fourth endeavour is to elucidate the views and media of protest, as expressed by Calvin. A model for protest is derived from the study of Calvin's beliefs. Fifthly, there is a description of Afrikaner protest before 1994, based on Calvin's convictions, and judged in terms of his views. The last chapter arrives at the conclusion that the premises and media of Afrikaner protest do not comply with the requirements for protest set by Calvin. Moreover, it appears that, int the case of Afrikaner protest, religion was used as a medium of ideological communication. The thesis concludes with several suggestions for further research. / Communication Science / D.Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in Afrikaans and English / 'n Groep Afrikaners onder leiding van die Afrikanervolksf ront bet voor die algemene verkiesing in 1994, hulle aktief teen die veranderinge in Suid-Afrika verset op grond van oenskynlik religieuse motiewe. Hulle bet hulle op die morele gesag van Johannes Calvyn (1509 - 1564) beroep vir hulle uitgangspunte en wyse van protes. In hierdie studie is die uitgangspunte en media van Afrikanerprotes in 1994 vergelyk met die uitgangspunte en media van protes soos wat Calvyn dit verwoord en toegepas bet. In die proefskrif is eerstens gekyk na die rol wat religie en ideologie in die samelewing vervul en daar is veral gekonsentreer op die onderskeid wat Jacques Ellul tref tussen outentieke geloof en godsdiens in diens van 'n ideologie. Tweedens is die historiese ontwikkeling van Afrikanemasionalisme en die Calvinistiese onderbou daarvan ondersoek. Derdens is 'n kort oorsig oor die Reformasie en 'n lewensbeskrywing van Johannes Calvyn voorsien. Indie vierde plek is die uitgangspunte en media van protes, soos verwoord deur Calvyn, beskryf. 'n Model vir protes is op grond van Calvyn se standpunte afgelei. Vyfdens is Afrikanerprotes voor die 1994-verkiesing beskryf en aan die hand van Calvyn se standpunte beoordeel. In die laaste hoofstuk word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die uitgangspunte en media van Afrikanerprotes nie voldoen aan die eise wat Calvyn vir protes stel nie. Dit blyk ook dat in die geval van Afrikanerprotes, godsdiens as kommunikasiemedium in 'n ideologiese rol aangewend is. Laastens word enkele voorstelle vir verdere navorsing gemaak. / Prior to the general election in 1994, a group of Afrikaners under the leadership of the Afrikanervolksfront actively resisted the changes in South Africa on the grounds of apparant religious motives. They invoked the moral authority of John Calvin (1509-1564) for their convictions and manner of protest. In this study there is a comparison of the views and media of the Afrikaner protest in 1994 with the views and media of protest as expressed and applied by Calvin. The thesis begins with a consideration of the role played in society by religion and ideology, concentrating particularly on the distinction drawn by Jacques Ellul between authentic faith and religion in the service of an ideology. Then, the historical development of Afrikaner nationalism and its Calvinistic substructure are examined. Thirdly, there is a short account of the Reformation and the life of John Calvin. The fourth endeavour is to elucidate the views and media of protest, as expressed by Calvin. A model for protest is derived from the study of Calvin's beliefs. Fifthly, there is a description of Afrikaner protest before 1994, based on Calvin's convictions, and judged in terms of his views. The last chapter arrives at the conclusion that the premises and media of Afrikaner protest do not comply with the requirements for protest set by Calvin. Moreover, it appears that, int the case of Afrikaner protest, religion was used as a medium of ideological communication. The thesis concludes with several suggestions for further research. / Communication Science / D.Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)

Thesis (M. Dev. (Development & Management)) -- University of Limpopo, 2015 / The manifestation of violence during the constitutionally protected protest action is highly questionable and unexpected feature of, the democratic dispensation in South Africa. Moreover, the right to protest is provided with strong restrictions to violence. Literature has publicised the reasons advanced for these fierce violent public protests dominating the democratic state and they are amid the lack of service delivery, maladministration and political squabbles. However, the geographic area of the protests questions the legitimacy of the so called service delivery protests. Notwithstanding, the recent statistics that show an upward increase in the accessibility of basic services by South Africans. Thus, this study dismisses the idea that the fierce public protests are as a result of a lack of service delivery, maladministration or political squabbles. Considering the location of the protests which is mostly in informal settlements close to metropolitan cities where some services have been provided. Whereas, the rural communities that receive very minimal, and to some extent no services have recorded very few protests linked to service delivery. Therefore, this study locates the violent public protests in the demonstration effect due to the geographical area and the advanced influence of media. The study used scholarship analysis to scrutinise the textual data gathered on the rationale underlying the violent public protests in South Africa’s globally-acclaimed democratic dispensation.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our knowledge in this area. This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991 and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in 1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on women's political participation. I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation. In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of my analysis in this project. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie werk aangepak word. Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en 2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994 insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te spekuleer. Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname oplewer. Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.

A Research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the Degree Masters in History of Arts at the University of Witwatersrand, 2017 / This research report has followed three periods in the history of the political struggle for freedom in South Africa, from the height of the Anti-apartheid struggle in the 1980s to the present day by way of exploring three exhibitions of resistance posters as case studies. It is located in the realm of political and art history. Looking at the positioning of the resistance poster in South African art history, the intension is to highlight how these exhibitions have used display strategies to construct values reflected in the resistance poster. The three selected exhibitions are as follows: firstly, Thami Mnyele and Medu Art Ensemble Retrospective (2008), Second is the exhibition Images of Defiance: South African poster of the 1980’s (2004). And the third exhibition Interruptions: Posters from the Community Arts Project Archive (2014). / XL2018

My aim in this dissertation is to explore the manner in which protest leaders in the post-apartheid context understand themselves and their actions against the backdrop of the socio-historical, political and economic conditions within which protests take place. The aim is to contribute to the debate around the nature of the challenge posed by protest action to the post-apartheid neoliberal order. The study uses an actor-oriented ethnographic methodology to examine at close range the nature of the protest movement in working class South African townships focusing on the so-called service delivery protests. In the quest to understand the action, forms of organisation and ideologies characteristic of the protests, and their significance for post-apartheid society, I use concepts and insights from the literature on social movements, discourse theory and, in particular, Gramsci's ideas on hegemony. The latter helps me to define and assess the threat posed by the protests to the dominant order which I characterise as neoliberalism or neoliberal capitalism. The conclusion that I come to is that the protests are best understood in the context of the transition from apartheid to democracy: its dynamics and its unmet expectations. They represent a fragmented and inchoate challenge to the post apartheid neoliberal order. Their weakness, I argue, partly derives from the effects of the demobilisation of the working class movement during the transition to democracy. It will take broader societal developments, including the emergence of a particular kind of leadership and organisation, for the protests to pose a serious challenge to the present order. The experience of the struggle against apartheid suggests the necessity of a vision of alternatives to inspire, shape and cohere struggles around everyday issues and concerns into struggles for radical society-wide alternatives. Protest action was linked to imagination of a different way of doing things and organising society. Without this link, it is likely that the protest movement will be increasingly isolated and contained with some of its energy used negatively, for example, in populist chauvinism, xenophobic attacks, mob justice, and other forms of anti-social behavior that are becoming a worrisome feature of post-apartheid society. Nonetheless, it provides hope and the foundation for a different future. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.