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The aim of the present study on the classical Marxist European Heritage on the national question is to establish the causes for the recurrent intellectual and political inability of this tradition to conceptualise and explain the nature of the national phenomenon. The main hypothesis of this thesis is that there is a recurrent thematic unity between the different European schools of Marxism, despite the considerable intellectual and political differences between the different European Marxist traditions. This thematic unity is called the Marxist parameters of analysis of the national phenomenon, and it consists of the theory of the universal evolution of the forces of production, the theory of Economic reductionism, and the Eurocentric bias in the discussion of the universal process of change. The works on the national question of Marx and Engels, Luxemburg, Kautsky, Bernstein, Lenin, Stalin, Gramsci and Bauer are evaluated in this work to show how this thematic unity operates in the various competing Marxist approaches. The theories of Antonio Gramsci and Otto Bauer were found to be more sensitive to the multifarious nature of the national phenomenon because they are less bound to the above-mentioned parameters of analysis.

In succeeding chapters it will be argued that the characteristics of SIDS results in their security problems being substantially different to those of larger states. Chapter one seeks to provide the background information about international interest in small states in general and deals with the difficult issue of defining 'smallness'. It also reviews the existing theories of security and applies these theories to SIDS. Although no attempt will be made to give an alternative 'definition' of security it nevertheless attempts to outline security in relation to SIDS. Chapter two examines the concept of vulnerability and seeks to identify the different areas where SIDS are vulnerable. It also strives to identify the special attributes of SIDS pertaining to these states that makes their security environment different to small continental states. This is followed by Chapter three in which the threats confronting the SIDS are presented drawing insights from the Caribbean and the Pacific. Using examples from these two regions various types of threats are identified in the following: areas: military, political, economical, societal and environmental. Chapter four is devoted to the security scenario of the Indian Ocean. It analyses how the Indian Ocean geopolitics affect the Indian Ocean SIDS, especially the regional security scenario and in the various sub-systems in which the Indian Ocean SIDS are located. It also attempts to identify the changing security pattern of the Indian Ocean from the Cold War setting to the present day. Chapters five, six and seven are case studies of the Maldives, the Seychelles and Mauritius respectively. They attempt to give an in-depth analysis of the security problems of these states. Each chapter starts with a brief insight into the physical, historical and socio-cultural background of the countries. Next, it analyses the security problems as perceived by the leadership of these countries. It goes on to identify the security capabilities that exist in these countries. Finally, it attempts to identify the current security problems while differentiating security threats into real, potential and latent threats. Chapter eight is divided into two parts. The first part is a comparative analysis of the security problems faced by the three Indian Ocean SIDS. It deals with national, regional and international dimensions of the problems and tries to draw out the similarities and the differences between the three states and why they are so. The second part deals with the responses to the security problems of the SIDS. It identifies existing strategies and responses at various levels: Domestic, Regional and International. It also attempts to identify measures that the SIDS could undertake to enhance their security. Chapter Nine is a brief summary of the findings of this research. With regard to the Indian Ocean SIDS (IOS), the result of the research shows that these SIDS have security problems that are considerably different to those of larger states; and that these problems are attributable to the characteristics arising out of their smallness and their islandness. Furthermore, the research clearly strengthens the view that there is very little that the SIDS can do to enhance their security. While the geo-politics of the Indian Ocean did influence the security problems faced by these SIDS in the past and still does so to a certain extent, the majority of the problems faced by the Indian Ocean SIDS are due to the fact that they are small and island developing states rather than SIDS located in the Indian Ocean. As such there does not seem to be a common Indian Ocean security problem. On the basis of this, there is very little ground for an Indian Ocean response to the security problems faced by these IOS.

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This thesis explores the politics of cultural diversity through a survey in the debate between liberal and communitarian thinkers. My aim is to show which side of the debate represents a more adequate position in relation to the politics of the existing cultural diversity in western liberal democracies compatible with the claims of multiculturalism which have emerged in the past two decades. In order to do so, I have chosen a selection of philosophers from each group: Alasdair Macintyre, Charles Taylor and Michael Walzer from the communitarians: and John Rawls, Joseph Raz and Will Kymlicka from the liberals. The critical examinations of their arguments which are presented here concern the normative aspects of the problem and concentrate on three main themes: (i) their concept of the self; (ii) their accounts of the foundations of political morality: and (iii) their suggestions for the politics of cultural diversity. Apart from the Introduction and the Conclusion, the thesis consists of two main parts: Part I contains an introduction to the communitarian critique of modernity and liberalism, followed by three chapters on the selected communitarians. In the same way, Part II consists of an introduction to liberal political thought and three chapters on the selected liberal thinkers. In appreciation of the extent to which cultures may differ from each other in their ideal models of morality, the role which culture plays in constituting one's identity and the extent to which it is affected by communal relationships, and the significance of conceptions of the good life in political morality, communitarians' arguments seem more adequate and fruitful than those of their liberal counterparts, in respect of the politics of cultural communities. The politics of cultural diversity. i.e. the political relations between cultural communities, however, seems to be left with modus vivendi models which can be developed into a model of civil association of cultural communities.

The adoption of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (AFCHPR) on 17 June 1981 by the O. A. U. Assembly of Heads of States and Government is, singly, the most significant act in the field of Human Rights protection in Africa. The Charter entered into force on 21 October 1986. These developments have inspired the Commission of this thesis.The aim of this thesis is to examine the promotion and protection of human rights in Africa in three main areas, namely, historical/cultural perspectives, national and regional legal regimes for the promotion and protection of human rights in Africa.

Trotskyism has been neglected by historians excavating those ever more popular quarries the 1930s and 1940s. Their disinterest is my main case for devoting a full-length thesis to Trotskyist activity before 1949. It may be objected that Trotskyism was unimportant throughout my chosen period. But while it was certainly no major influence before 1949, even in the restricted area of the labour movement during that time, Trotskyism maintained activity and conditioned in part the behaviour of other movements and individuals who are thought fit subjects for historical enquiry. There is therefore a job of recovery to be done in order to establish whom Trotskyism affected and why. Yet there is, simultaneously, a larger question to pose: if Trotskyism was unimportant throughout, why was this so? There is no iron law of labour movements which inevitablypermits communist parties to eclipse Trotskyism. In a number of metropolitan countries Trotsky received early and significant support from noted communist leaders. Since this did not happen in Britain where the communists themselves never gathered mass support, the historian must ask why. It is also necessary to allow for those occasions when Trotskyism passed out of the shadows into the floodlights: these moments have also been skipped, for the most part, by historians, and need to be put in their proper setting within the labour history of the time.

This study is an attempt to analyze the Association process between Turkey and the European Community (the EC). In other words, it is a process of interaction between two actors within an institutionalized and formal association system. One is a state and the other is a sui generis organization with supranational characteristics.The main assumption of this thesis is that the Association link between the EC and Turkey acts as a framework of modernization for Turkey in its structural adjustment to the European integration project. In this context, it is suggested that Association patterns fulfil important roles in the transformation of Europe, provided that Associations are of a progressive character (cooperation towards integration) rather than being permanent frameworks in the relationship which institutionalize highly asymmetrical relationships between the advanced core and the periphery of Europe. In this sense Turkey's Association, as a pattern of cooperation, is relevant to European integration project. However, before we define our concepts and operationalize our theoretical models to analyze Turkey's Association process, it is necessary to review the relevant theoretical literature which will provide us with conceptual tools to put the phenomenon into its context. Our review of relevant background literature is by no means exhaustive. Later in this chapter we will introduce theoretical concepts, definitions, perspectives and methods that help us to give meaning to our findings and to shape and direct our arguments in the course of our research effort, in order to analyze Turkey's Association process within the context of European integration and cooperation.

The following pages are an attempt to construct a more fully documented and detailed account of the Anglo-French relationship in the Levant from 1941 to 1945. Wherever possible, original documents are quoted and the dramatis personae are allowed to speak in their own words. Even so, in terms of sheer quantity, only the tip of the documentary iceberg appears. If more of the original atmosphere and mentality has been re-captured, and if the wartime voices are more readily heard and considered, this approach will have been justified. A narrative form has been used, partly to emphasise that much can only be explained in the light of the war situation with its pressures, confusions and improvisations. Interpretation and analysis accompany the unfolding narrative, and the significance of various events and attitudes is reiterated and weighed in the conclusion. Within this purpose, and inseparable from it, is an attempt to understand Sir Edward Spears and to establish his role. The Anglo- French collision in the Levant involved some remarkable personalities on both sides. The most striking character of them all was Spears, the man at the centre of the controversy. His papers and diaries throw new light on his own activities and upon the whole Levant dispute, and full use has been made of this source. In particular, I have tried to depict and interpret Spears' dramatic break with de Gaulle, and the ex-Francophile's subsequent view of his role in the Middle East. This innings on the sticky wicket of psychology was clearly necessary. The sudden and fateful change in Spears' attitude was to loom large in the Levant affair. A non-polemical explanation was well overdue, and with the aid of new sources I have attempted to provide it. Finally, much space has been devoted to the year 1941. Within the period of the Anglo-Gaullist occupation of the Levant, no other year was so packed with crucial events and fateful decisions. 1941 produced the terms of reference for all the ensuing Anglo-French disputes and confrontations in the Levant.

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