When the Supreme Court grants new rights, public awareness is a crucial part of enforcement. Gerald N. Rosenberg and Michael J. Klarman famously criticized minority rights organizations for attempting to gain new rights through the judiciary. The crux of their argument relied heavily on the American media's scanty coverage of Court issues and subsequent low public awareness of Court cases. Using the 2013 United States v. Windsor and Hollingsworth v. Perry rulings as a case study, I suggest that the media environment has changed so much since Rosenberg and Klarman were writing that their theories warrant reconsideration. Minority rights groups now have access to social media, a potentially powerful tool with which to educate the public about the Supreme Court and new rights granted by the Court.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

by Siu Luen-wun, Wanda. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-100). / Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1-3 / Chapter II --- Literature Review --- p.4-43 / Chapter 2.1 --- Cognitive Priming theory --- p.4-10 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Spreading-Activation Network model --- p.11-12 / Chapter 2.3. --- The Semantic Network Theory --- p.13-16 / Chapter 2.4 --- Cognitive Priming and the mass media --- p.16-20 / Chapter 2.5 --- Links with Emotion --- p.21-34 / Affect and mental Network theory --- p.24 / Positive and Negative Asymmetry --- p.24-25 / Affect and Memory --- p.25-27 / Affect and Learning --- p.27-29 / Affect and Information Processing --- p.30-34 / Chapter 2.6 --- Theoretical model proposed --- p.35-38 / Application of the model to the study --- p.39-43 / Chapter III --- Methods --- p.44-55 / Chapter 3.1 --- Research Question --- p.44-46 / Chapter 3.2 --- Hypotheses --- p.47-50 / Affect and feelings towards Clinton --- p.47 / Agenda setting and priming --- p.48 / Approval of Clinton and evaluation of Clinton --- p.49-50 / Competence and Integrity perception --- p.50 / Chapter 3.3 --- Dependent and Independent measures --- p.51-59 / Affect manipulation check --- p.51-52 / Positive and negative feelings --- p.52-54 / Issue Salience --- p.55 / Perception of Clinton's overall performance --- p.55-56 / Competence and integrity perception --- p.57-59 / Chapter 3.4 --- Experimental materials --- p.60-62 / Chapter 3.5 --- Pilot Test --- p.63-65 / Chapter 3.6 --- Procedure --- p.66-67 / Chapter IV --- Principle Analysis --- p.68-85 / Chapter 4.1 --- Affect and feelings towards Clinton --- p.69-72 / Chapter 4.2 --- Agenda setting and priming --- p.73-79 / Chapter 4.3 --- Approval of Clinton and evaluation of Clinton --- p.80-84 / Chapter 4.4 --- Competence and Integrity perception of Clinton --- p.85 / Chapter V --- Conclusion --- p.86-90 / References --- p.91-100 / Appendix --- p.101-107

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using “the power of the purse” to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / While the Arab spring succeeded in ousting the long-term dictator led governments from power in many Arab countries, leading the way to a new democratic process to develop in the Arab world, it did not end the old suspicions between Arab Muslims and the West. This research investigates the beginning of the relations between the Arab Muslims and the West as they have developed over time, and then focuses its analysis on perceptions from both sides beginning with 9/11 through the events known as the Arab spring. The framework for analysis is a communication perspective, as embodied in the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). According to CMM, communication can be understood as forms of interactions that both constitute and frame reality. The study posits the analysis that the current Arab Muslim-West divide, is often a conversation that is consistent with what CMM labels as the ethnocentric pattern. This analysis will suggest a new pathway, one that follows the CMM cosmopolitan form, as a more fruitful pattern for the future of Arab Muslim-West relations. This research emphasizes the factors fueling this ethnocentric pattern, in addition to ways of bringing the Islamic world and the West to understand each other with a more cosmopolitan approach, which, among other things, accepts mutual differences while fostering agreements. To reach this core, the study will apply a direct communicative engagement between the Islamic world and the West to foster trusted relations, between the two.