<p>This study explored the various forms public interest litigation takes in various legal systems, focusing on the practice in South Africa. An examination of the relevant legal regime in Ethiopia was made with a view to assessing its adequacy to cater for public interest actions and coming up with possible recommendations. Apart from the analysis of the adequacy of the legal framework, an attempt was made to identify other factors that may pose a challenge to the introduction of the system in Ethiopia.</p>

<p>This study explored the various forms public interest litigation takes in various legal systems, focusing on the practice in South Africa. An examination of the relevant legal regime in Ethiopia was made with a view to assessing its adequacy to cater for public interest actions and coming up with possible recommendations. Apart from the analysis of the adequacy of the legal framework, an attempt was made to identify other factors that may pose a challenge to the introduction of the system in Ethiopia.</p>

The term “deadbeat dad” has been used to refer to nonresident fathers who intentionally avoid meeting child support obligations. Such a stereotypical image has reinforced the notion that public policy should strengthen the child support enforcement system to prevent nonresident fathers from escaping their financial obligations to their children. Public pressure, along with the need to recoup government expenditures on welfare costs, has compelled the federal and state governments to build a strong child support enforcement program during the past decades. Although many empirical researchers have found that strict child support enforcement is responsible for an increase in child support payments received through a formal system, the extent of non-payments still remains high. Arrears, defined as unpaid child support either owed to custodial families or the government, grew to over $115 billion nationally. Although the Office of Child Support Enforcement (OCSE) collected and distributed approximately $7 billion of these arrears in 2016, 11.3 million child support cases still had arrears remaining. Despite the growing problem of child support arrears, relatively little research has been carried out on the long-term factors and outcomes associated with arrears accumulation. This is because prior studies of child support arrears rely on cross-sectional data, which cannot adequately address this research gap. What is more, in regarding information on child support outcomes, many previous child-support studies rely predominantly on maternal reports rather than on information obtained directly from the noncustodial fathers, which may introduce measurement errors. The proposed study will solve this problem by using data from Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study, a longitudinal survey of 4,898 children born to married and unmarried parents in the major cities in the U.S. between 1998 and 2000. Because the data are the first and only longitudinal information providing a nationally representative sample of unmarried fathers, it is eminently suited to address the limitation of prior research. The objective of the proposed three-paper dissertation is to address gaps in the literature by exploring the following three questions. Question 1. What are the effects of state-level child support enforcement policies on long-term individual patterns of arrears accumulations among noncustodial fathers? Strong child-support enforcement is responsible for noncustodial father’s child support arrears accumulation. However, little is known about the extent to which child support policies affect noncustodial fathers’ long-term patterns of arrears accumulation. Studying the long-term patterns of arrears accumulation is potentially important, especially for policy makers who would be better able to make informed decisions about the timing of policy intervention. This chapter will examine the long-term impact of child support policies that penalize a father who had failed to comply with child support obligations on his arrears accumulation patterns. Question 2. What is the association between arrears and fathers’ later health/mental health outcomes? The next chapter of the study will discuss one of the detrimental consequences of child support arrears: fathers’ health and mental health problems. While several notable qualitative studies have provided anecdotes about challenges that the noncustodial fathers face after the accumulation of child support arrears, only one quantitative study examined the association between the fathers’ arrears and their health and mental health problems. The proposed study will address these gaps in knowledge by using the stress process model proposed by Pearlin and colleagues. Question 3. How child support indebtedness matter for residential union formation among non-resident couples at childbirth? How money matters for union transitions among low-income unmarried parents have been of great interest to policy makers given the extensive evidence that marriage (or cohabitation) is associated with lower rates of child poverty. Child support enforcement is the tool intended to mitigate financial loss experienced by children. The system simply collects money from the noncustodial parent (usually fathers) and distributes it to the custodial parent (usually mothers). Therefore, the child support system is highly linked to union transitions decisions among parents who are either recipients or obligors of child support. Despite extensive empirical studies on this topic, limited research has been aimed at understanding the adverse consequences of child support enforcement and its impact on union formation. That is, rather than successfully collecting money from noncustodial fathers, some governments’ efforts could be failed to make many low-income fathers comply with their obligations, resulting in a decline in the amount of child support received by custodial mothers. Thus, this chapter will investigate whether fathers’ arrears accumulation affects transitions to residential unions among parents not living in such unions at childbirth. In this chapter, parents who did not cohabit at birth, but who subsequently formed residential unions with one another or with a new partner are modeled as competing risks using a discrete-time competing risks hazard model framework.

This dissertation includes three papers that examine the role of antipoverty policies and programs in preventing child maltreatment. Paper one examines how access to Medicaid impacts child maltreatment as characterized by Child Protective Services (CPS) reports. Paper two considers how access to Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) programs affects child welfare involvement. Paper three assesses the relationship between temperature and CPS reporting, looking to air conditioning and state LIHEAP cooling policies as a potential source of mitigation.

The body of work presented here seeks to illuminate the complex relationship between human society, development, and environment for the case of malaria. While malaria profoundly affects human society and prospects for prosperity, public health measures and anthropogenic environmental change alter the intensity of transmission differentially around the globe. Using global maps of malaria risk, the first chapter finds that the elimination of the disease during the course of the 20th century occurred in places where the strength of transmission was weaker due to suboptimal ecology, and that this result holds even after controlling for income levels. The next chapter employs GIS datasets on population, urbanization, malaria risk, and malaria endemicity to spatially estimate the cost of fully deploying ecology-appropriate anti-malaria interventions in Africa; the cost of curbing malaria is found to be small (around $4 per person at risk per year), especially given its high disease burden and subsequent social and economic costs. I next construct a spatial month-to-month ecological index of malaria transmission strength, and use a climate change model to predict changes in ecological transmission strength of malaria and estimate the implied changes in incidence and mortality given current technology and public health efforts. The final chapter uses the malaria ecology index as an instrumental variable to estimate the effect of child mortality on fertility behavior. The large effect of child mortality indicates that malaria has an indirect effect on society beyond morbidity and mortality: high malaria burdens increase fertility rates, thus slowing the demographic transition. These chapters span the fields of epidemiology, public health systems, climate science, economics and demography in order to holistically model the relationship between malaria and human systems; such understanding of coupled human-natural systems will be vital to policy making for sustainable development.

In 1974, the Housing and Community Development Act replaced traditional antipoverty programs with block grants, decentralizing decisions about federal funding, ostensibly to give more control to local administrators. Despite the pretense of providing greater flexibility, the focus of block grants on developing the city's physical environment circumscribed the options of local planners hoping to pursue comprehensive community development. Community Underdevelopment traces the struggle of government officials in New Orleans to fulfill the dual aims of alleviating poverty and spurring economic growth in a time of fiscal crisis. Armed with new social science techniques, planners believed that with accurate data collection and systematic planning, they could achieve these ends simultaneously. However, coping with an increasingly regressive tax regime and an anemic economy, they soon discarded this vision. Instead, block grants were used as stopgap measures in low-income communities while the city pursued economic development strategies that administrators acknowledged would do little to improve conditions in those neighborhoods. By the end of the decade, the hope that the private sector could achieve what the public sector could not led the city to shift federal funds away from antipoverty measures and toward boosting private-sector involvement. Low-income communities in New Orleans struggled to resist this movement, but their efforts to do so went unsupported by local officials who feared that supporting resource redistribution would jeopardize relationships with private developers. Consequently, by the end of the 1970s, local urban development strategies had largely abandoned antipoverty aims. Rather than read this period solely as the precursor to President Ronald Reagan's unprecedented cuts to urban aid, Community Underdevelopment explores a steady shift in policy and ideology that created a political climate conducive to such dramatic reductions. Moreover, my focus on this period reveals that the movement to undercut antipoverty programs did not originate with the rise of the Reagan Revolution. Instead, it was from its inception a bipartisan assault.

Immigrants from Western Europe to the United States are commonly assumed to be racially white. Almost no attention has been paid, however, to recent changes occurring within the composition of the Western European immigrant population: individuals who were born in Western Europe but whose families have origins outside of Western Europe have been migrating to and settling in the US in growing numbers. This study examines the growing diversity of this migratory stream, investigating seven groups of immigrants from Western Europe to the US. I analyze data from the European Social Survey, the US census, the American Community Surveys, the Migrant Integration Policy Index, the UN database, and the World Bank database. First, this study analyzes these origin groups' economic and social characteristics' within Western Europe. I show that while immigrants within Western Europe present an improvement in economic indicators over time and generations, they show no improvement in social indicators. Furthermore, immigrants from less developed regions report on higher rates of being socially excluded, which, in turn, correlate with lower economic achievements. Furthermore, I disentangle the economic `ethnic penalty' of minorities in Western Europe by dividing it into four components: individual characteristics, country characteristics, the social environment in host country, and the policy environment in host country. Then, I analyzed the 'educational penalty' of minority youths in Western Europe and its nature. I show that only intercultural policies help in advancing minorities in Western Europe, due to the poor social acceptance they experience. Given this background on the condition of minorities within Western Europe, I turn to investigate the move that some of them make to the US. I show that immigrants from Western Europe of non-European descents carry a higher `ethnic penalty' when they come to the US, but most of them advance faster economically than the majority of Western Europeans who migrate to the US. I test three plausible explanations for this phenomenon, finding that the level of discrimination experienced by a given ethnic group is the most determinant factor. Minorities who experience a higher discrimination level in Western Europe integrate faster in the US. Social differences between Western Europe and the US, therefore, appear to affect immigrants and their integration patterns. This phenomenon represents a new type of migration: `social migration'. While immigration has been understood overwhelmingly in terms of the two fundamental categories of economic and political (refugee) immigration, the new category of social migration is now emerging between them. I end with examining the far-reaching implications of this new development.

In my dissertation, I study the short- and long-term effects of early-life circumstances on individual’s human capital and explore some potential mechanisms driving these impacts. The focus on early-life conditions is motivated by the growing body of research showing the important role that early-life conditions play in shaping adult outcomes (Barker, 1992; Cunha and Heckman, 2007; Almond and Currie, 2011a). Evidence from natural experiments has found that adverse conditions during the in-utero and childhood periods (e.g., disease outbreaks, famines and malnutrition, weather shocks, ionizing radiation, earthquakes, air pollution) can have negative effects on health, education, and labor market outcomes (e.g., Almond, 2006; Almond et al., 2010; Van den Berg et al., 2006; Currie and Rossin-Slater, 2013; Almond, Edlund and Palme, 2009; Sanders, 2012). I focus on a particular shock which is violence – i.e., wars, armed conflicts, urban crime – that represents one of the most pervasive shocks for individual’s well-being and which mostly affects developing countries (Currie and Vogl, 2013). The World Bank (2013) estimates that more than 1.5 billion people in the developing world live in chronically violent contexts. Violence creates poverty, accentuates inequality, destroys infrastructure, displaces populations, disrupts schooling, and affects health. While recent research has shown the large damage on education and health outcomes from early life violence (Camacho, 2008; Akresh, Lucchetti and Thirumurthy, 2012; Minoiu and Shemyakina, 2012; Brown, 2014; Valente, 2011; Leon, 2012), several key questions remain unaddressed. First, how does violence affect other domains of human capital beside education and health (i.e., cognitive and non-cognitive skills)? Identifying such effects is important both because measures of human capital (physical, cognitive, and non-cognitive indicators) can explain a large percentage of the variation in later-life educational attainment and wages (Currie and Thomas, 1999; McLeod and Kaiser, 2004; Heckman, Stixrud and Urzua, 2006) and to understand mechanisms behind previous effects found for educational attainment and health. Second, to what extent do the effects of violence at different developmental stages (i.e., in-utero vs. in childhood) differ? Do the effects of violence persist in the long-term? Do impacts on the particular type of skill considered (e.g., health vs. cognitive outcomes) differ by the developmental timing of the shock? Third, given the size and persistence of the effects of violence, it is also natural to ask whether and how parental investments also may respond to these shocks. Family investments are important determinants of human capital (Cunha and Heckman, 2007; Aizer and Cunha, 2014) and parental responses can play a key role in compensating or reinforcing the effects of a shock (Almond and Currie, 2011a). At present, well-identified empirical evidence on this question is scarce. Finally, and perhaps most importantly from a policy perspective, is there potential for remediation?: Can social programs that are available to the community help mitigate the negative effects of violence on vulnerable children? My identification strategy exploits the temporal and geographic variation in local violence conditions. In particular, I exploit the occurrence of specific violent events such as homicides and massacres at the monthly-year-municipality levels in Colombia and I use large and varied micro data sets to provide causal estimates. I believe that the results from my research can shed some light on the consequences of early-life exposure to violence on human capital, some of the potential mechanisms through which these impacts operate, and provide some insights on possible public policy implications. In the first essay, “Early-life Conditions, Parental Investments, and Child Development: Evidence from a Violent Country,” I investigate how exposure to community violence during the in utero and childhood periods affect a child’s physical, cognitive, and socio-emotional development; how violence affects parental investments such as parenting quality; and whether social policies available to the community help mitigate the negative effects of violence on children. I focus on children, which is a particularly vulnerable subpopulation: Children in developing countries are subject to more and more frequent adverse conditions, start disadvantaged, and receive lower levels of investments compared with children from wealthier environments (Currie and Vogl, 2013). I show that children exposed to massacres in their municipality during their in utero and in childhood periods achieve lower health, cognitive, and socio-emotional outcomes and that the timing in which these exposures occur matters. In particular, exposure to massacres in late pregnancy and in childhood reduce child’s health and exposures in early pregnancy and in childhood lower cognitive test scores. Adequate interaction, an indicator of child socio-emotional development, falls among children who were exposed to violence after birth. Moreover, results show that violence is negatively associated with birth weight, an important input in the production of human capital. This impact is driven by exposure during the first trimester of pregnancy. Furthermore, I find that changes in violence during a child’s childhood are associated with lower quantity and quality of parenting. In particular, I find that an increase in violence is associated with a decline in the time mothers spend with their child, a decrease in the frequency of routines that stimulate a child’s cognitive development, and an increase in psychological aggression, which could reflect a mother’s stress. Overall, these results show little evidence that parents compensate the negative effect of violence on child outcomes. This is the first study to investigate the effects of early-life violence on child cognitive and non-cognitive outcomes in a developing country and among the first to investigate the role of parenting as a potential channel of transmission. Lastly, I find weak evidence that social programs have remediating impacts on children affected by violence. In the second essay, titled “The Hidden Costs and Lasting Legacies of Violence on Education: Evidence from Colombia”, I provide evidence of the long term impacts of exposure to crime and violence, from the prenatal period to age five, on an individual’s educational attainment. My identification strategy exploits the temporal and geographic variation in cohorts of individuals exposed to homicide rates during in their early lives during the 1980s and 1990s in Colombia, a period with an unprecendented rise in criminal activity. I use Census data that provide detailed information on the date and municipality of birth, and long-run outcomes (i.e., education) for each individual, which enables me to identify the violence to which a person was exposed in utero and in early childhood (as well as in later stages). I find that high violence in early-life is associated with lower educational attainment in the future (years of schooling and lower school enrollment). The findings also show that in utero and early-childhood exposure to violence has a more pronounced impact on human capital attainment than exposure at other stages of the life course (i.e., school age, adolescence). The timing and the magnitude of the effects are important considering the huge inequality in education in developing countries.

The present study proposes a model, termed the hybrid model, to explain fiscal-policy responses to financial crises. Although it is applied throughout the present study to the Eurozone, the model’s geographic and substantive scope apply more broadly. Combining and building upon past approaches, the hybrid model proposes three independent variables: partisanship, political capacity, and external actors. The model builds on the literature’s three dominant approaches: partisan, domestic approaches; approaches that emphasize convergence; and approaches that emphasize divergence, represented here primarily by the Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) literature. The hybrid model integrates the domestic emphasis of the partisan approach with the international emphases of the convergence and, to some extent, VoC approaches. The hybrid model builds on the domestic politics of the partisan approach by integrating coalition logic and the tension between coalition partners into the partisan approach’s political landscape. The model also advances the convergence and VoC approaches by providing an explanation for variation in the pressure of financial markets, both over time and across countries, which mediates the influence of external actors in the domestic affairs of sample countries. In addition, with respect to the dependent variable, the present study develops a disaggregated measure that accounts for the diverse distributional implications of fiscal policies’ various dimensions. With respect to empirics, the present study employs a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. Broadly, the large-N results provide support for the hybrid model, particularly as it pertains to partisanship. Event analyses and case studies support the role of external actors; the empirics show the degree to which financial-market pressure mediates the influence of external actors. Combined, the quantitative and qualitative approaches indicate problems with consonance, the particular dimension of political capacity considered in the present study. Both quantitative and qualitative results reveal that consonance, i.e., between-party tensions in coalition governments, provides an incomplete characterization of the factors influencing the political capacity of single-party and coalition governments. The case studies suggest that within-party tensions and party-system strength, as additional measures of political capacity, play key roles in shaping fiscal-policy responses. The empirics also confirm the importance of disaggregating fiscal policy, the dependent variable, beyond the broad measures of fiscal deficit, expenditure, and revenue adopted in the present literature.

Teach For America (TFA) is a non-profit whose mission involves addressing and eliminating the racial achievement gap in education. To that end, TFA recruits and trains thousands of teachers each year, mostly recent college graduates, to spend two years teaching in low-income neighborhoods across America. The theory of change publicly espoused by TFA, however, includes a second component that is predicated on the notion that participation in TFA will be a “transformational experience” for those who join the organization – an experience that will turn participants into lifelong advocates for educational equity, and inform and influence their future endeavors. While TFA has long been a magnet for controversy, the criticisms have come to include the organization’s place in a policy context awash with neoliberal influences. Researchers have looked at the impact of TFA teachers on student outcomes with increasingly sophisticated research designs, but much less has been written about the second half of TFA’s theory of change. Further, while the exploits of TFA and its alumni in policy are increasingly the subject of both academic and popular articles, little of this research examines the role that the TFA experience is playing in the current work of TFA alumni in policy. Using data gathered from 45 semi-structured interviews with TFA alumni who now work in public policy, as well as news sources, public statements and press releases from TFA and its leadership and other publicly available materials, this dissertation examines the ways in which TFA and its alumni are involved in education policy, and how the TFA experience factors into the lives and work of these alumni. This study also examines the ways in which TFA and its alumni are engaged in matters of charter schools and school choice, teacher evaluation and accountability, and teacher preparation policy, as well as the ways in which alumni credit their TFA experience for influencing their views. Further, this work looks to separate the influences that come directly from TFA, such as TFA messaging or TFA-planned events, and those that are the result of joining TFA, but that fall outside of TFA’s immediate control.