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Thesis (D. Min.)--Westminster Theological Seminary, Philadelphia, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-162).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Westminster Theological Seminary, Philadelphia, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-162).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Westminster Theological Seminary, Philadelphia, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-162).

Thesis (D. Min.)--McCormick Theological Seminary, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references.

L'étude examine les rapports entre théorie de l'architecture et réflexions sur l'art à la fin de l'âge classique. À travers l'analyse du discours sur l'architecture, en considérant l'architecte comme un auteur, la recherche envisage la question de l'expressivité de l'objet architectural. Elle porte sur l'esthétique des architectes, en tant que théorie de la sensation du beau. Deux mots sont ainsi étudiés dans leur discours : caractère et type. Deux concepts qui résument à eux seuls deux théories de l'art antagonistes, car ils renvoient à deux visions du monde distinctes : celui de Blondel, Boullée et Ledoux, qui se tient au plus près de la nature, et celui de Quatremère de Quincy, qui est déjà rentré dans l'Histoire. L'enquête s'arrête sur son rôle déterminant dans le paysage artistique de la France du 19ème siècle, et sur son application à y introduire une théorie de l'art idéaliste empruntée à la critique d'art allemande et écossaise. En forgeant le concept de type, Quatremère de Quincy a contribué à renverser durablement les valeurs des architectes, jusqu'au 20ème siècle, en imposant une conception universaliste et abstraite contre une appréhension empirique de la réalité, une représentation de l'imagination contre une réflexion par l'entendement discursif, une imitation idéale contre l'antique principe d'imitation de la nature. Le concept de type idéal a été forgé à l'appui des écrits des philosophes, des naturalistes et des philologues, qui eurent de tout temps une forte influence sur les théories artistiques. Aussi, l'étude se propose d'inscrire le discours de l'architecte dans un champ épistémologique plus général pour confronter sa parole à celles de ces savants et penseurs. À travers l'analyse comparée des notions d'imitation, de jugement de goût et de style, thèmes centraux des théories sur l'architecture, l'étude questionne la place de l'histoire dans le processus conceptuel, ainsi que le rôle de la mémoire et de l'habitude au moment de la réception de l'œuvre / The study examines the relationships between theory of architecture and reflections on art at the end of the classic age. Through the analysis of the discourse on architecture, by considering the architect as an author, the research treats the question of expressiveness of the architectural object. It focuses on the aesthetic of architects, as a theory of sensation of beauty. Two words are studied in their discourse: character and type. Two concepts that summarize two theories of art antagonists, because they refer to two different visions of the world: that of Blondel, Boullée and Ledoux, which is closer to nature, and that of Quatremère de Quincy, which is already go into history. The survey stops on his determining role in the artistic landscape of 19th century in France, and its application to introduce a theory of idealistic art borrowed from German and Scottish art critic. By forging the concept of type, Quatremère de Quincy contributed to revaluate durably the values of architects, until the 20th century, by imposing a universalist and abstract design against an empirical understanding of reality, a representation of the imagination against a reflection based on discursive understanding, an ideal imitation against the classic art principle of imitation of nature. The concept of ideal type was forged on contact with the writings of philosophers, naturalists and philologists, who always had a strong influence on the artistic theories. Also, the study proposes to include the discourse of the architect in a more general epistemological field to confront his voice to those of these scientists and thinkers. Through the comparative analysis of the concepts of imitation, judgment of taste and style, central themes of theories on architecture, the study questions the place of history in the design process, as well as the role of memory and habit at the time of reception of the work by the public

Cette thèse propose une analyse de l’alliance stratégique américano–saoudienne depuis la fondation du royaume saoudien en 1932. Les fonctionnements sont traités à la lumière de périodes d’entente, de moments diffractés et de situations éclatées. L’histoire saoudienne contemporaine s’est mêlée intimement à la politique extérieure américaine. Si le pacte de Quincy (1945) représente la pierre angulaire d’une alliance stratégique marquée par l’équation du « pétrole saoudien contre protection américaine », cinq phases se dégagent. La première est celle des années 1960, avec l’arrivée du roi Fayçal et la promotion du panislamisme en support idéologique justifiant l’alliance avec les États-Unis contre le communisme et le nassérisme. La deuxième phase d’embellie débute à la fin des années 1970 avec le triomphe de l’imam Khomeiny et la guerre d’Afghanistan. La troisième phase est concomitante à la deuxième guerre du Golfe (1990-1991) : l’intervention américaine contre l’Irak et l’installation des troupes américaines sur le sol saoudien. La quatrième phase historique liée aux attentats du 11 septembre 2001, balaie beaucoup d’atouts du passé de la relation spéciale. Enfin, la phase actuelle qui dure depuis fin 2001 est riche d’enseignements pour les ratés et les intérêts vitaux mutuels. Au terme de cette recherche : la menace iranienne, la sécurité énergétique, les évolutions internes, la question palestinienne et le « printemps arabe » représentent autant de facteurs qui vont peser sur les liens entre Riyad et Washington. Le constat d’une alliance demeurant pour le moment indispensable pour les deux parties, n’empêche pas de s’interroger sur sa capacité à être remodelée et renouvelée. / This thesis proposes the analysis of the strategic alliance between the USA and Saudi Arabia from the foundation of the Saudi kingdom in 1932. The mechanisms are studied in the light of periods of understanding, cooler relations, and broken out situations. Contemporary Saudi history mingled closely with American foreign policy. If the Quincy Agreement (1945) represents the fundamental principle of a strategic alliance based on the system of “Saudi oil in exchange for American protection”, five stages can be brought out. The first stage starts in the 1960’s, when Faisal became king and when the promotion of Pan-Islamism was an ideological support for justifying the alliance with the USA against communism and nasserism. The stronger second stage began at the end of the 1970’s with the triumph of Imam Khomeini and the war in Afghanistan. The third stage is simultaneous with the Second Gulf War (1990-1991): the USA got involved against Iraq and American troops were sent to Saudi Arabia. The fourth historical stage related to the September 11, 2011 attacks, cancels many of the previous assets of this special relationship. Finally, the current stage which goes on from the end of 2001 is an enriching experience regarding the hiccups and the mutual and vital interests. At the end of this research: the Iraqi menace, the energy security, the internal evolutions, the Palestinian issue and the “Arab Spring” represent so many factors which will have a decisive influence on the links between Riyadh and Washington. If for the time being, we observe that the alliance remains essential for both parties, this should not prevent from wondering about its capacity to be restructured and renewed.

Master of Landscape Architecture / Department of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning / Timothy D. Keane / Many small Midwestern towns established near a river thrived on industry and the transport of goods up and down the waterway. Unfortunately, industrial riverfronts that have acted as the heart of their communities have seen tremendous flux as time has progressed. In the past half century the economic activity of industrial riverfronts declined as more goods can be shipped via interstate highways and as factories are closed and relocated. These vacant factories leave behind contaminated brownfield sites which discourage reinvestment and promote greenfield development on a city’s periphery in agricultural lands. Citizens have turned their backs on a history and heritage from which the first cornerstones of their communities were laid. A void results as industry begins to fade from the riverfront and a town loses its connection to the river. Put simply, we have lost our riverfronts. The Riverfront Found Master Plan for Quincy, Illinois integrates the different uses of the riverfront, weaving together the existing industrial, recreational, and natural fabrics that line the Mississippi River. Design concepts strive to create a dynamic atmosphere to encourage a healthy lifestyle environment and destinations with year-round interest. Enjoyable and memorable experiences of Quincy’s riverfront encourage users to return as the negative community perceptions of the Mississippi River are reversed. Planning is inwardly focused to combat sprawl of the urban fabric. Decision-making remains sensitive to floodplain ecology and mindful of flood occurrence. Conservation is an important design response concerning riverfronts and requires understanding an intricate system regionally and locally. Education ties both conservation and site experience together as users remember how their city and culture are embedded in ecology. Three case studies identify key concepts to inform the project at later stages. A site inventory and analysis spanning three scales, regional, city, and site uncovers history and processes. The programming phase addresses proposed elements to address the concepts, ideas, and problems identified in previous steps. A final master plan presents the proposed program elements within context of the site to create a functional and dynamic riverfront for the citizens of Quincy.

Thesis advisor: Alan Rogers / The following narrative traces the political lives of James Sullivan, Christopher Gore, Rufus King and John Quincy Adams, four Massachusetts men who were actively involved in the creation of state and national policy during the formative years of the new republic. Their years of public service bridged the critical period between the Revolution and the period of Democratic- Republican dominance. Because they knew each other so well, corresponded with one another on a regular basis, and held so many different state and national government posts, their lives provide an ideal vehicle to explore and better understand the changes that were taking place in post-Revolutionary Massachusetts. Their stories help trace the evolution of Massachusetts from a Federalist stronghold into a legitimate multi-party state firmly committed to the national union. The primary figure in this study is Sullivan, the oldest of the four men, who was the state's highest ranking Republican leader during much of the Federalist Era. A staunch opponent of the Federalist assumption that government should be in the hands of the natural gentry and ruling class, he spent his adult life promoting equal access to power. After serving as a member of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress from 1774 to 1776, Sullivan was an active participant in the creation of the new state government. He later served as attorney general for seventeen years, from 1790 to 1807, through several Federalist administrations and served as a member of state legislature for many years. He also was a member of the Supreme Judicial Court and, in the final years of his life, governor of the Commonwealth. Because he participated in or observed firsthand the most significant political events of his day, his words also help trace, as few others could, the gradual transformation of Massachusetts from a one party state to a multi-party state. His election as governor in 1807 was clear evidence of the growing strength of the Republican Party in Massachusetts and of the extent to which the emerging national consensus had grown. Christopher Gore, whose stature and perspective were more deeply rooted in the colonial past, stood in stark personal as well as political contrast to Sullivan. As a conservative Federalist who often served as spokesman for his party during this period, Gore was a major player in the Massachusetts legal community and government between the American Revolution and early years of the nineteenth century. He stubbornly adhered to the aristocratic belief that the government should only be managed by the propertied class and traditional ruling elite. Where Sullivan was a sentimental moralist who hated everything British, Gore was the stern and unyielding spokesman for the merchant class who seemingly admired everything British. Where Sullivan's father had emigrated from Ireland, the victim of oppressive Penal Laws, Gore's father was a Tory, who fled Boston with the British in March 1776. Though Gore himself supported the Revolution, he was never able to shed, or indeed temper, his attachment to Great Britain in later years. As perhaps the most passionate defender of everything British in the years after the Revolution, Gore's habits and customs reflected the old deferential order and embodied everything Sullivan opposed. Despite their personal and political differences, Sullivan and Gore shared a close personal friend. Rufus King was a longtime confidant of both men, corresponding with each of them over many years. Though King's habits and background were more similar to those of Gore than Sullivan, he was less rooted in the colonial past than his conservative friend. Though an ardent Federalist, he was respected by men on both sides of the political aisle and served not only as a bridge between the two parties, but as a bridge between the two branches of his own party. It is because he enjoyed such a close personal relationship with Sullivan and Gore, and corresponded with both men on a regular basis, that King provides a unique vehicle to explore the differences between the two parties during this critical period in Massachusetts political history. The fourth subject of this study is John Quincy Adams. The fiercely independent one-time Federalist, who, though born many years after Gore, King, and Sullivan, became active in politics at a very young age and crossed political paths with all three men on a regular basis. Although born a member of the second generation of political leaders, Quincy Adams identified with the first generation of Revolutionary leaders. He matured early and took part in every critical debate that took place after the ratification of the Constitution. From the beginning, Quincy Adams charted an independent course and played a critical role in the growth of the Republican Party. John Quincy Adams is particularly relevant to this study because his political transformation reflected the change in attitude that was taking place in Massachusetts and the country in the early years of the nineteenth century. He represented a commitment to the interests of union over sectional concerns. A strong and independent unionist throughout his life, Quincy Adams eventually came to represent a new global nationalism. In many respects, Quincy Adams was the `transition man' in post- Revolutionary America. The son of a colonial who was very much a product of the deferential society of the eighteenth century, young Adams came to embrace the principle of majority rule. His elevation to the highest political posts in the country marked the final stage in America's transition from colony to union to nation. James Sullivan, Christopher Gore and Rufus King each played significant roles in the establishment of constitutional government in Massachusetts and in the United States. Though he was considered a member of the so-called Hancock faction, a group viewed as primarily anti-Constitutionalist, Sullivan was an independent thinker. He would call for greater legal safeguards for the benefit of the more vulnerable and for the end of the practice of multiple office holding which had long been a tool of the ruling elite to maintain power and influence.   A vocal proponent of the national government before King, Gore and Hancock, Sullivan had long recognized the importance of strengthening the central government. His embrace of participatory government and of law aimed at protecting all classes of people naturally appealed to a wider audience would continue to contribute to the democratization of Massachusetts politics. With a new national government in place and a new political era begun, Sullivan, King, Gore, and soon Quincy Adams, were uniquely positioned to play significant, if competing, roles in the coming struggle. This narrative differs from other secondary works on post-colonial Massachusetts in several respects. Firstly, the significant role played by Sullivan in the growth of Republicanism in Massachusetts has been largely overlooked by historians. His persistent calls for equal access to power stood in stark contrast to the views of the Federalists who dominated Massachusetts government in the years after the American Revolution. His active participation in regional politics both during and after the Revolution helped the people of Massachusetts in their transition from colony to state. Furthermore, he was one of the first Massachusetts political leaders to insist on placing the new central government on a sound financial footing. Indeed, his call for a strengthened and sufficiently financed national government predated the efforts of Massachusetts Federalists, including King and Gore. He was, I contend, one of the first political leaders of either party to be considered a true `nationalist.' While Quincy Adams' support for Jefferson's Embargo and his conversion to Republicanism have been well documented, this work explores the link between Sullivan and Quincy Adams, and details the critically important role they played in the national debate over how to respond to British aggression towards American shipping and American sailors. Though Gordon Wood and other historians point to the Embargo as the single biggest failure of Jefferson and his Republican supporters, I contend the opposite is true. The Embargo highlighted the central difference between the two parties, and though it provided Federalists with a temporary victory, it also sowed the seeds of their defeat. The Embargo enabled men like Sullivan and Quincy Adams to clarify one of the central issues of the post-Revolutionary period, ... national honor. Though Paul Goodman correctly points out that Republicanism tapped into the growing sense of nationalism in the country, I carry the discussion further and detail the growing disconnect between the Federalist Party and the American people. Quincy Adams, in particular, articulated the need to announce to the world that the United States would not submit to foreign aggression. Furthermore, his call for a stronger and expanded union, even if it meant a loss of power and prestige for Massachusetts, would soon strike a chord with a growing majority of Americans. Quincy Adams personified the shift in the national mood and represented a new national perspective. When John Quincy Adams left the Federalist Party, many Americans left with him. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Thesis advisor: David Quigley / This dissertation argues that George Washington's Farewell Address established the foundational principles of U.S. foreign policy and was the central text through which citizens of the Early Republic came to understand the connections between the nation's domestic and foreign ambitions. In the eyes of most Americans, the Declaration of Independence affirmed their ideals and the Constitution established their government, but it was Washington's principles that would ensure the nation's maturation into a world power. The Address became deeply embedded in the popular consciousness through annual readings on Washington's birthday, frequent discussion of its principles in the press, and as an integral component of the civic education of the nation's youth. Ordinary Americans far removed from the nation's capital and from complicated debates over particular foreign policies and their implications could still express an informed opinion on the wisdom of those policies based on their understanding of the Farewell. "Addressing America" goes beyond this popular story to illuminate how the Farewell shaped the fundamental disagreement over the conduct of U.S. foreign policy from 1796 to 1852. When Washington issued his valedictory he intended it as a flexible and pragmatic statement of the general principles that should guide the construction of foreign policies aimed at protecting American interests. An essential part of Washington's wisdom was the recognition that the nation's interests would change over time, and thus so too would its foreign policies. Five years later, incoming President Thomas Jefferson summarized his approach to foreign policy in his inaugural address of 1801 by promising "peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none." This phrase was universally seen as an allusion to the Farewell Address and it immediately entered the popular lexicon as a way of pithily describing the nation's core foreign policy principles. Over time "entangling alliances with none" became associated directly with Washington. More than just a case of misattribution, the linking of this phrase to the Farewell permanently altered the meaning of the Address for most Americans; instead of a flexible statement of general principles, it became a rigid prescription for a permanent foreign policy of virtual isolation from the rest of the world. In the fifty years after Jefferson's inaugural, the overarching narrative of American foreign policy is the conflict between these competing interpretations of the Farewell Address and how these differences in principle produced a varied understanding of both U.S. foreign policy and America's place in the world. This dissertation is the first work of historical scholarship to conduct a sustained examination of the ways that Washington's Farewell Address was understood over time by early Americans and how it fundamentally shaped their view of the United States and its place in the world. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2010. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.