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Analysis of NORC and DAS data from 1956 to 1980 shows continuous increases in support for equal treatment or equal status for minority group members. This change is found to result largely from a shift in the overall cultural environment in America. Education is found to have a constant effect in reducing prejudice even in periods of time and in subcultures generally hostile toward egalitarianism. Evidence shows the more educated have more access to sources of correct information. It is asserted that on the question of basic equality among men, women, and various racial or ethnic minorities the answer supported by facts is that all groups are quite equal in all innate abilities and potentials. Education is seen to give one greater access to this truth. Regional differences between the non-South and South, while large forty years ago, have continuously decreased. By 1980 there remain only small differences with the South still less egalitarian on most measures. It is predicted that egalitarian attitudes toward all groups will continue to increase in America because all factors associated with more egalitarianism, interdependence, organization and power of minority groups, and sharing of a common culture are increasing.

The central theme or 'red-thread' that I consider in this thesis is the concept of risk as it is perceived by and affects the two sides of the medical encounter -in this instance ethnic Pakistanis and Health Professionals- in Britain. Each side very often perceives risk quite distinctively, relating to the balance between the spiritual and temporal realms. This is particularly germane in matters to do with possible congenital defects within the prenatal realm for the ethnic Pakistani, and predominantly Muslim, side of this encounter. Thus one of the factors considered in this thesis is how senses of Islam impact upon the two sides. By ethnic Pakistanis Islam is seen as central to all life decisions, whilst Health Professionals view Islam with some considerable trepidation, little understanding it or its centrality to the former's decision-making processes. This is particularly significant with regard to attitudes to health and health care. In the initial stages of the project I had thought first cousin marriage (FCM), seen by ethnic Pakistanis as desirable and by Health Professionals as putting ethnic Pakistanis at-risk to be central to the argument, but concluded that concerns around FCM were a 'red herring', merely a trope for the tensions between the two sides -at once both British and at-risk from audit culture. Although no longer central, FCM remains a viable touchstone in consideration of the two sides' perceptions of genetic risk. In this thesis the medical encounter between ethnic Pakistanis and Health Professionals is performed within the realm of the so called New Genetics. Here the respective understandings of the New Genetics are informed by the enculturation processes that shape the two sides' world view. Furthermore, I will agree with Lord Robert Winston's and others' concern that any attempt to eradicate an adaptive genetic mutation, in this instance, thalassaemia, from the gene pool is not only undesirable in the short term, but also that such eradications may have an adverse, and far reaching, effect on whole population groups in the future. The main thrust of my argument is that audit culture not only compounds risk for both sides, but also perpetuates institutional racism within the National Health Service (NHS), by promulgating what I have called the language myth. That is to say that much institutional racism is the unwanted by-product of the NHS's attempts to become more patient centred and its continuing efforts to develop systems of best practice. This professionalisation process within the NHS can be seen to impact most strongly in relation to communication -particularly the claimed language barrier between the two sides. This 'barrier' has worrying policy implications for any meaningful communication between the two sides, notably relating to obtaining informed consent from ethnic Pakistani patients -with a resultant increase in risk for the two sides and clear economic consequences for the NHS.

Terrorist events in Britain in recent years indicate that some British Muslims do not view their lives through a domestic lens; that is, they do not embrace British norms and values. Instead, they identify with a global Muslim community in a radical way. This thesis explains what is fueling the rise of pan-Islamism in Britain. For many Muslims, their religious identity is stronger than their British identity because they are alienated from the rest of society. The alienation is generated by poor socioeconomic conditions; and discrimination, racism and Islamophobia. The most important source of alienation, however, is the perception that British foreign policy in Muslim lands is leading to oppression and killing of their Muslim brothers and sisters. Alienation would not necessarily translate into mobilization and action was it not for radical leaders of the domestic Islamist community who were able to exploit protections provided by liberal British laws and traditions. These men inspired the alienated to adopt their pan-Islamist ideology.

This thesis is a study of the racial equality proposal at the Paris Peace Conference. It explores Japanese motivations for submitting the proposal, and the responses of the British and American governments which eventually defeated it. The thesis uses an analytical framework based on five categories of possible explanations for the proposal: immigration, universal principle, great power status, peace conference politics and bargaining, and domestic politics. The thrust of the analysis contained in the thesis is as follows. For Japan, the proposal meant three things: a means of reaffirming its great power status by securing racial equality with the western great powers in the League of Nations; a justification for Prime Minister Hara whose pro- League position was maintained by a fragile domestic consensus against sceptics in the government and the wider public; and a means of resolving Japanese immigration problems in the United States and British Dominions. But for Japan the proposal was not originally intended as a demand for universal racial equality. For Britain, the proposal was unacceptable because it meant "free immigration" of non-white immigrants into the Dominions. In particular, Australia adamantly opposed it also because of its political significance for Australian public opinion. For the United States, Wilson's determination to create the League of Nations at almost any cost led him to impose a unanimity ruling at the crucial vote on llth April 1919. Other explanations worked in the background. The proposal highlighted the importance of the link between race and great power status for Japan, Japan's insecurity concerning the League of Nations and the West, and Japan's different approach to international relations. Moreover, the failure of the proposal revealed the limits of Wilsonian idealism in that neither Britain nor the United States at that time seriously considered the possibility of universal racial equality.

To determine whether or not systematic desensitization treatment would produce a significant reduction in negative affect evoked by racial discrimination, 60 Mexican-American college students who scored above average on the Terrell Racial Discrimination Index were selected and assigned randomly to one of three treatment conditions: systematic desensitization (DS), therapist contact (TC), and no-treatment control (NTC). Before undergoing treatment, subjects completed the Background Information Questionnaire (BIQ), and three measures of negative affect: the Multiple Affect Adjective Check List (MAACL); the Profile of Mood States (POMS); and the Treatment Rating Scales (TRS). After concluding treatment, subjects completed the three measures of negative affect only. Results were nonsignificant with respect to two of the affect measures—the POMS and the MAACL. However, significant differentia1 treatment effects were observed for the TRS measure. Relative to the TC and NTC conditions, subjects in the DS condition evidenced significantly less anger, depression, and anxiety. No other group differences attained the level of statistical significance (p < .05). Several explanations are offered for the negative findings of the MAACL and POMS. These explanations include the possibility that the measures themselves are insensitive to treatment effects. Nevertheless, due to the significant findings of the TRS, it is concluded that systematic desensitization proves effective in alleviating the negative emotional responses of Mexican Americans to racial discrimination. The implications of these findings are discussed.