This research study invited teachers to participate in an inquiry discussion group in order to disrupt the racial silences that existed in a predominantly white school district. The ways Americans think, act, and talk about racism and white supremacy have become more complex over time as they have shifted from explicit to implicit (Bonilla-Silva, 2015). This is true in American society and also in America’s school systems, where racism has shifted from overt segregation (many school systems remain de facto segregated [Wells et al., 2014]) to covert colorblind silences (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Leonardo, 2004). Even though there have been efforts to disrupt racial silences in schools, previous attempts framed the problem in terms of culture rather than addressing race in explicit ways. These curricular initiatives (e.g., multiculturalism, culturally responsive and culturally sustaining pedagogy) introduced in schools were also problematic in that teachers were treated as technicians (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1999), which assumed they could take these curriculum tools and implement them without questioning their own mindset or beliefs about race. Therefore, this study was a next step toward disrupting racial silences in educational settings by explicitly discussing race and positioning teachers as knowledge producers. For this research, intersecting theoretical ideas from Critical Race Theory, Critical Whiteness Studies, and inquiry as stance were used to strengthen an understanding of what happened when the silences that existed around topics of race in white educational settings were disrupted. Data produced in ten weekly inquiry discussion group meetings were analyzed using discourse analysis. Results of this analysis pointed to a gradual shift in the discourse, which suggested a shift in comfort with explicitly talking about race. These results were organized into three phases: discomfort of not knowing, embracing discomfort, and grappling toward change. It is important to note that this study also highlights the complexities of race work in predominantly white schools as is evidenced by the ways this shift was not always perfect (i.e., Discourses of white supremacy and colorblindness circulated throughout). Therefore, teachers in predominantly white educational settings, teacher educators, and educational researchers need to be prepared for tensions and contradictions that may arise when disrupting racial silences. Educators and researchers in the field should encourage educators to embrace the role of knowledge producer and also be aware of the ways “nice white women” typically engage in this work so that important steps toward disrupting the racial silences that exist in predominantly white educational settings can be achieved.

This dissertation explores the racial politics of the U.S. through an examination of political contention over the inclusion of ethnic studies in K-12 public schools. Black, Indigenous, Chicanx/Latinx, and Asian/Pacific Islander Americans have indelibly shaped the political, economic, and social contours of the U.S. from its founding to present. However, the fullness of their experiences in and contributions to the nation remain woefully inadequate in K-12 U.S. history/social studies curricula (Brown & Brown, 2010; Journell, 2009; Ladson-Billings, 2003; Loewen, 1996; Reddick, 1934; Woodson, 1933; Woodson & Wesley, 1922). To address this curricular gap, a wave of 21st century activism is demanding that K-12 schools teach ethnic studies, curricula that centers and examines the history of race, racism, and the contributions of people of color in the U.S. Contemporary state policies requiring the inclusion of ethnic studies in K-12 schools are far more progressive (and contentious) than aligned education reforms of previous decades, which were overwhelmingly school district policies focused on offering an optional ethnic studies elective. Drawing on archival, media, and interview data from three states (Arizona, California and Oregon) which recently decided on including ethnic studies in K-12 schools, I explore how race shaped the state policy processes and outcomes. While Arizona banned ethnic studies, Oregon adopted an ethnic studies requirement, and California’s ethnic studies requirement was vetoed by its governor. I argue that advocacy for the inclusion of ethnic studies which employs critical race conscious frames, mitigates intra-partisan conflict, and engages intersectional mobilization is most strongly positioned to advance such systemic, state-level reform. By examining the racial political dynamics of systemic policy change, this dissertation intervenes in political sociology and race scholarship in education. The findings can, moreover, help advocates of the full inclusion of ethnic studies in K-12 schools navigate the path toward systemic reform.