Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University. / Problem. The problem of the dissertation is to determine the most effective strategic approaches to achieving the racial desegregation of The Methodist Church. The problem is posed by the fact that The Methodist Church, both on its local church and connectional levels, is deeply involved in the practice of racial segregation despite its frequently reiterated stand of opposition to all racial discrimination and segregation. It is hypothesized that desegregation can be achieved in The Methodist Church through planned strategy. In determining the effectiveness of strategies leading toward desegregation, it is assumed that they must be consistent with (1) the appropriate Methodist goal of a fellowship which is racially inclusive, (2) appropriate ethical presuppositions, (3) relevant principles and findings which have been contributed by the social sciences, (4) limitations and possibilities inherent in the institutional structures of The Methodist Church, and (5) limitations and possibilities suggested by the relationships between The Methodist Church and the wider community and culture of which it is a part. [truncated]

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 34-10, Section: A, page: 6777. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1973.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 33-06, Section: A, page: 3050. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1972.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 25-09, page: 5439. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1964.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 26-12, page: 7496. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1965.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 27-12, Section: A, page: 4368. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1966.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 29-02, Section: A, page: 0692. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1968.

Preterm birth, defined as birth prior to 37 completed weeks gestation, is a serious health concern. Despite advances in health care screening and interventions, the rate of preterm birth in the United States has risen more than 30 percent since 1981. In 2006, Menon and associates reported the first multilocus genetic interaction in three single nucleotide polymorphisms predictive of spontaneous preterm birth in a population of White mothers. A gene association study using a case-control design was conducted to determine whether the results of the Menon study were also true for Black women and their infants. The case group included 22 preterm mothers and 22 preterm infants. The control group included 106 term mothers and 108 term infants. Study variables included high-risk and low-risk genetic combinations of the three single nucleotide polymorphisms. Birth certificate applications were reviewed to determine subject eligibility. Blood samples obtained by hospital personnel were sent to a laboratory for genotyping. It was predicted that there would be no statistically significant difference in the occurrence of the high-risk genetic patterns in the preterm Black mothers or their infants. Data analysis suggested that the multilocus genetic combinations reported by Menon were not predictors for preterm birth in Black mothers or their infants. Further study is recommended to identify genetic variations predictive of preterm birth across ethnic groups.

Fiji has been noted for its problems with racial tensions. Previous analyses have focused on the role of the Fijian elite in propagating racial tensions against the Indo-Fijian community. Therefore, this thesis endeavoured to find out, how do ordinary Fijians feel about ethno-nationalism? Are they active players in spreading such sentiments? The study placed increased focus on eastern Fijians, given that their elite had their power entrenched at Cession. This examination found that while stereotypes and biases that are ethno-nationalistic in nature do exist, eastern Fijians want other challenges to be addressed. More specifically, poverty and gender issues are two concerns requiring attention. Modernization has increased poverty, as many Fijians lack the skills to access better paying jobs. The Fijian culture plays a big role here, as it encourages ordinary Fijians to view education suspiciously. Furthermore, cultural emphasis on rank and patriarchy makes Fijians, including women, subservient to those with higher status. This means that problems such as violence against women are prevalent. NGOs are involved in trying to address these concerns, although with limited success. NGOs and ordinary Fijians conflict in how best to deal with poverty. NGOs argue that changes at the political level will help decrease poverty. On the other hand, the Fijian grassroots want direct measures to help them overcome their plight. With gender issues, womens NGOs are more successful, as their work also gives direct attention to Fijian women. This is highlighted by the fact that more Fijian women are speaking out against their plight. This study is significant because it shows that ordinary Fijians are not active players in the promotion of ethno-nationalism. Instead, other actors, such as the Fijian elite and NGOs, are involved in ethno-nationalistic disputes.

Fiji has been noted for its problems with racial tensions. Previous analyses have focused on the role of the Fijian elite in propagating racial tensions against the Indo-Fijian community. Therefore, this thesis endeavoured to find out, how do ordinary Fijians feel about ethno-nationalism? Are they active players in spreading such sentiments? The study placed increased focus on eastern Fijians, given that their elite had their power entrenched at Cession. This examination found that while stereotypes and biases that are ethno-nationalistic in nature do exist, eastern Fijians want other challenges to be addressed. More specifically, poverty and gender issues are two concerns requiring attention. Modernization has increased poverty, as many Fijians lack the skills to access better paying jobs. The Fijian culture plays a big role here, as it encourages ordinary Fijians to view education suspiciously. Furthermore, cultural emphasis on rank and patriarchy makes Fijians, including women, subservient to those with higher status. This means that problems such as violence against women are prevalent. NGOs are involved in trying to address these concerns, although with limited success. NGOs and ordinary Fijians conflict in how best to deal with poverty. NGOs argue that changes at the political level will help decrease poverty. On the other hand, the Fijian grassroots want direct measures to help them overcome their plight. With gender issues, womens NGOs are more successful, as their work also gives direct attention to Fijian women. This is highlighted by the fact that more Fijian women are speaking out against their plight. This study is significant because it shows that ordinary Fijians are not active players in the promotion of ethno-nationalism. Instead, other actors, such as the Fijian elite and NGOs, are involved in ethno-nationalistic disputes.