Intimate Partner Sexual Violence (IPSV) is a global issue that impacts women of all social locations, but it disproportionately impacts racialized immigrant women. While there is a lack of literature on the topic of IPSV in general, there is a particular dearth of research on the prosecution of IPSV cases involving racialized immigrant women in Canada. There is little research on how these women are revictimized within the criminal justice system because of rape myths pertaining to IPSV, race, and citizenship. In this project, I aim to interrogate the legal rhetoric within judicial decisions regarding cases of IPSV involving racialized immigrant women. In so doing, I ask: How do judges conceptualize racialized immigrant women in cases of IPSV? How do these conceptualizations reproduce myths and stereotypes about these women who report IPSV? I use Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis (FCDA) to mobilize law as a gendering and racializing practice in my analysis of eight summaries of judicial decisions of criminal and immigration proceedings pertaining to IPSV. Critical Race Theory (CRT) contributes to my theoretical framework to advance our understanding of law as a gendering and racializing practice. Through an abductive process, I find three discourses that dominate judicial decisions: ‘ideal’ victims resist sexual assault and do not delay in reporting; ‘ideal’ victims do not know or maintain ongoing contact with the accused; and judges excuse defendants of sexual assault due to the beliefs that male sexuality is uncontrollable, and women pursue false allegations. These rape myths normalize violence against women of colour and immigrant women by reinforcing the view that they are ‘non-ideal’ victims.

The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members. This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda. This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.

The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members. This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda. This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.