Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Pereira Goncalves.pdf: 3857211 bytes, checksum: 2115a9dc4bc60857b07d75c4602aba24 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis aims to investigate the trajectory of Plínio Salgado for the formation and development of Brazilian integralism in its various stages, seeking multiple discursive matrices and cultural circularity in the field of appropriation, observing the process of cultural circularity in dealing with Lusitanian components. The analysis has established discussions with reference to bibliographical productions such as doctrinal, political, literary and religious, as well as manifestos, interviews and testimonials, that is, bibliographical elements that contributed to the understanding of Brazilian integralism, especially with regard to the leader Plínio Salgado, who was the main mentor of the movement. On the basis of the concept of political culture, the investigation has proposed the analysis of evolutionary thought of the integralist leader by focusing on the context of Lusitanian influence and basically Catholic, precept that accompanied him throughout his life. The research has been organized based on the understanding of the author's works since his first productions from the 1910s to his last writings in 1975. Belonging to a traditional and conservative family from the interior of the state of São Paulo, he was born in 1895 in the city of São Bento do Sapucaí. Still as a young man, he went to São Paulo where he excelled intellectually in the 1920s so as to subsequently form, in the following decade, the first mass movement in Brazil, the Brazilian Integralist Action. With multiple matrices, Salgado had the purpose of constructing an original political doctrine. However, the circularity of ideas of the period made the Head suffer considerable influences on the formation of his thought, having in Portugal the doctrinal example, Lusitanian Integralism: a movement with a nationalist character of the radical right wing that had visible formation based on the precursor of conservatism, the Action Française, which, as well as all the political groups of the early twentieth century, established a practical response to the theory given by Pope Leo XIII in 1891 through the encyclical Rerum Novarum. After the Lusitanian influence on the formation of Plínio s thought and idealization of integralism, once again Portugal was a highlight in the doctrinal organization of the author, when he was exiled between 1939 and 1946, a period of time which he used to reorder his thought, actions and political articulations, keeping Catholic spiritualism as a central force. With the end of the period of Vargas dictatorship, he returned to Brazil and declared himself to be Luso-Brazilian, becoming a supreme supporter of the politics of António de Oliveira Salazar, an image that he followed until the end of his life. One of the proposals of the thesis lies in the approach to the integralist movement from a multiplicity of perspectives, but predominantly in a comparative analysis with Portugal. The current thesis has searched for the verification of political actions so as to contribute to a better understanding of the relation between Portugal and Brazil, through the analysis of the radical conservatism enlarging this focus on the Portuguese right wing. The Christian political thought of the author holds a significant importance to the Political History of the 20th century, not only for Brazil, due to the fact that his actions and dialogues established with Lusitanian groups have been fundamental to the comprehension of the political matters of the two countries / Esta tese tem como objetivo a investigação da trajetória de Plínio Salgado para a formação e o desenvolvimento do integralismo brasileiro em suas mais variadas fases, buscando as múltiplas matrizes discursivas e a circularidade cultural no campo das apropriações, observando o processo de circularidade cultural no trato com os componentes lusitanos. A análise estabeleceu discussões com referência à produção doutrinária, política, literária e religiosa, além de manifestos, entrevistas e depoimentos, ou seja, elementos bibliográficos que contribuíram para a compreensão do integralismo brasileiro, notadamente em relação ao líder Plínio Salgado, que foi o principal mentor do movimento. Com base no conceito de cultura política, a investigação propôs a análise do pensamento evolutivo do líder integralista centrada no contexto de influência lusitana e basicamente católica, preceito que o acompanhou por toda a vida. A pesquisa foi organizada com base na compreensão das obras do autor, desde as primeiras produções na década de 1910 até seus últimos escritos em 1975. Pertencente a uma família conservadora e tradicional do interior paulista, nasceu em 1895, na cidade de São Bento do Sapucaí. Ainda jovem foi para São Paulo onde se destacou intelectualmente nos anos de 1920, para posteriormente formar, na década seguinte, o primeiro movimento de massa do Brasil: a Ação Integralista Brasileira. Com matrizes múltiplas, Salgado tinha como propósito a construção de uma doutrina política original. No entanto a circularidade de ideias do período fez com que o Chefe sofresse influências consideráveis para a formação de seu pensamento, tendo, em Portugal, o exemplo doutrinário, o Integralismo Lusitano: um movimento de cunho nacionalista da direita radical que teve visível formação embasada na precursora do conservadorismo, a Action Française, que assim como todos os grupos políticos do princípio do século XX estabeleceram uma resposta prática à teoria proferida pelo Papa Leão XIII, em 1891, através da Rerum Novarum. Após a influência lusitana na formação do pensamento pliniano e a idealização do integralismo, novamente Portugal foi um destaque na organização doutrinária do autor, quando ficou exilado nos anos de 1939 a 1946, momento que utilizou para reordenar o seu pensamento, ações e articulações políticas, tendo a vertente do espiritualismo católico como força central. Com o fim do período ditatorial varguista, retornou para o Brasil com a afirmação de ser um luso-brasileiro, passando a ser um defensor supremo da política de António de Oliveira Salazar, imagem que seguiu até o fim da vida. Uma das propostas da tese está na abordagem do movimento integralista a partir de uma multiplicidade de perspectivas, mas com predominância de uma análise comparativa com Portugal. A tese buscou a verificação das ações políticas a fim de contribuir para o melhor entendimento da relação Portugal-Brasil, através da análise do conservadorismo radical ampliando esse foco com o português. O pensamento político-cristão do autor possui uma importância significativa para a História Política do século XX, não só para o Brasil, pois suas ações e os diálogos estabelecidos com grupos lusitanos são fundamentais para a compreensão da política dos dois países

<p>This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families.</p><p>The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent</p><p>emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials.</p><p>The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism.</p><p>The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men.</p><p>The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation,</p><p>while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development</p><p>of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.</p>

This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families. The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials. The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism. The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men. The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation, while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.

The thesis focuses on the conservative canon and analyses the validity of exceptionalist claims of conservative thinking through a deconstructive reading of conservatism. The comparison of classical and radical conservatisms provides the grounds for this analysis. After the introductory chapter, the second chapter of this thesis focuses on the general characteristics of the conservative ideology. It consists of three sub-sections. The first of these presents the characteristics of classical conservatism, while the second turns to consider radical conservatism. Then, in the third sub-section, a discussion of the similarities and differences between these two conservatisms leads to a proposed definition of a core of the conservative canon. Here, it is argued that the epistemological and ontological imperfection of individuals can be regarded as the definitive core, or as the precept which the justification of conservative policies relies upon. The third chapter then focuses on the views of a number of significant figures in the development of political thought on ideology, which is used by these thinkers as a critical tool. A narrative of the historical developments in the analyses of ideology and ideologies is presented in this chapter. In the last part of the chapter, Derridian thinking is introduced. The fourth chapter problematises conservative exceptionalism, or the belief that there is a fundamental difference between conservatism and other ideologies. This chapter is founded upon the analyses of the previous two chapters, using the Derridian reading and referring to the characteristics and commonalities of the conservative canon presented. In this chapter, radicalism is argued to be a persistent theme in conservative thinking, and conservatism is claimed to be founded upon its impossibility.

The Thesis analyses political thought of the contemporary czech national socialism and the methods the subjects considered to be part of this movement use to address cizizens. Among these subjects are the Worker's Party (of Social Justice), National Defiance and Autonomous nationalists. In the first chapter, the Thesis clarifies the specific background of the czech national socialism focusing on facts, figures and the latest development. Second and crucial chapter characterizes political thought of the czech national socialism. The last part of the Thesis focuses on the topics the before mentioned subjects use to address wide public, on their image, their rhetoric and the means of propaganda they turn to.

This essay aims to analyze Zachar Prilepin's book “The Platoon. Officers and Militias of Russian Literature” in the context of the book's affiliation to the cultural expressions of the conservative post-post-Soviet historical interpretation. Zachar Prilepin is not only a well-known and well-established modern Russian writer but also a mnemotic actor who actively participates in memory politics and creates a current radical-conservative discourse within this framework. "Platoon" was published in collaboration between the author and the Russian Military History Society. The book, which consists of the biographies of 11 Russian writers, is considered within the framework of this essay as a program script containing a set of various concepts which form the concentrate of the respective worldview. As well as the overall and central warrior-poet concept that is the subject of a comprehensive analysis devoted to the central place in this essay. The "Platoon" is a prime example of an ongoing reformatting of the view on the past that reflects the post-post-Soviet conservative reading of 19th century history. This book postulates that the poet cannot only become a warrior and take part in the wars for the sake of the Fatherland, but also has such an obligation. In this way, art is put in the service of the state - a militaristic empire that art is obliged to praise, just as it must praise death for own sake. The method for this essay is an integrated approach, which was chosen to combine general scientific and special methods. That is methods such as the method of abstraction, the descriptive-functional method and the method of ascension from the abstract to the concrete. The material for this study consists mainly of Zachar Prilepin's book "Platoon" was mainly used. In addition to this, scientific articles and various publications in the mass media were also used. / Denna uppsats analyserar Zachar Prilepins bok ”Plutonen. Den ryska litteraturens officerare och lantvärnsmän” Boken kan ses som ett bidrag hemmahörande inom den post-sovjetiska kontexten av historietolkning. Zachar Prilepin är inte bara en välkänd och väletablerad modern rysk författare, utan även en mnemonisk aktör som aktivt deltar i den ryska minnespolitiken som skapar en aktuell radikal-konservativ diskurs inom dess ramar. ”Plutonen” gavs ut i samarbete mellan författaren och det Ryska Militärhistoriska Sällskapet. Boken, som består av 11 ryska litteratörers biografier, betraktas inom ramen för denna uppsats som en programskrift som innehåller en uppsättning av diverse koncept vilka utgör ett koncentrat av respektive författares världsåskådning och världsuppfattning. Boken innehåller även ett övergripande, och för denna studie centralt, koncept nämligen krigare-poet som är föremål för en omfattande analys och som står i fokus för denna uppsats. ”Plutonen” är ett framträdande exempel på en pågående omformatering av synen på det förflutna som speglar den post-postsovjetiska konservativa läsningen av 1800-talets historia. Denna bok postulerar att poet inte bara kan bli krigare och delta i krigen för Fosterlandets skull utan även har en sådan förpliktelse. På ett sådant sätt sätts konsten i tjänst till staten – ett militaristiskt imperium som konsten måste besjunga, precis som den måste besjunga döden för dess skull Metoden för denna uppsats är ett integrerat tillvägagångssätt som kombinerar allmänna vetenskapliga och speciella metoder såsom abstraktionsmetoden, den beskrivande-funktionella metoden och metoden för uppstigning från det abstrakta till det konkreta. Materialet som används för denna uppsats är huvudsakligen Prilepins bok ”Plutonen”. Utöver detta användes även vetenskapliga artiklar samt diverse publikationer i mass-media.