The growing numbers of terror attacks in Europe in recent times has made the concept of radicalization a sensitive phenomenon, most especially, Islamic radicalization. The activities of Islamic extremists and terrorists have been identified with a good number of European citizens, who have joined the Islamic State (IS) and engaged in acts of terror against their own citizens and governments. Radicalisation has been used as a weapon by the Islamic State to recruit some European citizens as its members in order to perpetuate its objectives in Europe. The objective of this project is to examine how the Islamic State has been able to radicalize some European citizens as its members and build its network across the continent. It seeks to critically analyse the influence of the Islamic State ideology on European citizens, which has consequently led and could further lead to the participation of some European citizens in terrorist engagements. This work seeks to respond to the puzzle: how is it possible for the Islamic State to secure the interest of some Europeans into terrorism, considering the distance between Europe and the Middle East and the high standard of living as well as education that is available in Europe? In this mini-dissertation, the relevance of the study is pointed out in today Europe as far as peace and security development of the continent is concerned. This research makes use of secondary sources of data collection to investigate the study and its theoretical analyses is drawn from social network and contagion theories in order to shed more light on the discourse of the radicalisation of European citizens as Islamic State members. Specifically, this mini-dissertation discusses a brief origin and objectives of the Islamic State, the ideological perspectives of the group, reasons behind the radicalization of Europeans citizens as well as channels of radicalizing European citizens. / Mini Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Modern European Languages / MA / Unrestricted

Le phénomène de la radicalisation est devenu, au cours des deux dernières décennies, une préoccupation croissante pour une majorité des gouvernements dans les démocraties occidentales. Il est devenu en quelques années un cadre conceptuel des sciences sociales visant à mieux comprendre et à expliquer le phénomène de l’engagement dans l’extrémisme violent. Partant du début des années 2000 jusqu’en 2018, nous proposons « une enquête conceptuelle » dans le contexte contemporain des sociétés des démocraties libérales occidentales. Dans un premier temps, nous proposerons une analyse de l’émergence du terme radicalisation comme objet de connaissance. Ensuite, nous étudierons l’étude de la constitution d’un nouveau domaine d’expertise autour de ce terme. Afin d’y arriver, nous aurons recours à une analyse des principaux discours des experts qui ont défini ce domaine d'étude.

Résumé : Cette thèse s’intéresse à la question de la radicalisation violente chez les salafistes algériens. Elle tente de comprendre comment s’effectue le glissement d’un militantisme (ou d’une sympathie) en faveur d’un islam politique légal, vers un activisme clandestin versé dans l’action violente sous le seau du djihad armé. Saisir le cheminement de cette entrée en radicalité, nous amène d’abord à réfléchir sur la radicalisation de la pensée religieuse comme première étape du processus étudié. L’engagement au profit du djihad est ensuite tributaire d’une construction (ou reconstruction) identitaire fondée sur un renversement moral de l’ordre socioreligieux établi. Les représentationsqui en émanent sont le produit d’une socialisation de l’individu à une pensée radicalisée qui, lorsqu’elle est combinée à d’autres variables facilitatrices ou incitatrices, le prédispose à passer à l’acte. Ainsi, au niveau macro, les opportunités/menaces agissent comme des facteurs facilitateurs ou précipitateurs dans l’engagement armé ; la répression et la fermeture du champ politique sont à ce titre, les variables les plus redondantes dans l’explication de l’entrée en radicalité chez les salafistes algériens. Au niveau méso et micro, l’influence des réseaux préconstitués (organisations armées, réseaux de soutiens logistiques…) et des liens sociaux (amis, voisins, famille…) pèse lourdement sur le choix de l’engagement collectif et individuel. Enfin, les chocs moraux et les récits mémoriels sur la répression subie peuvent aussi nous éclairer à saisir un certain nombre de trajectoires de radicalisation violente chez les djihadistes algériens / Abstract : This thesis focuses on the issue of violent radicalization among Algerian Salafists. It tries to understand how is the shift of activism (or sympathy) for a legal political Islam to a clandestine activism poured into violent action in the bucket of armed jihad. Enter the path of the entry into radicalism, leads us first to reflect on the radicalization of religious thought as a first step in the process studied. The commitment in favor of jihad is then dependent on a construction (or reconstruction) of identity based on moral overthrow of the established socio-religious order. The representations that come in are the product of socialization of the individual to a radicalized thought which, when combined with other variables or incentive-facilitators, predisposes to pass the act. Thus, at the macro level, opportunities / threats act as facilitators factors or precipitators in the armed engagement; repression and the closure of the political field as such are the most redundant variables in explaining the entry into radicalism among Algerian Salafists. At the meso and micro level, the influence of pre-made networks (armed organizations, logistic support networks ...) and social connections (friends, neighbors, family ...) weighs heavily on the choice of the individual and collective commitment. Finally, moral shocks and stories on the memorial suffered repression may also enlighten us to enter a number of violent radicalization trajectories among Algerian jihadists.

MSc SECINTEL Independent Study (Dissertation) Jihadism in Italy: an analysis of the Islamic State-inspired radicalisation process of Anas El Abboubi and Maria Giulia Sergio July 2018 Glasgow Student Number: 2267042f Charles Student Number: 12549163 Presented in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the Degree of MSc International Security, Intelligence and Strategic Studies (SECINTEL) Word Count: 22354 Supervisor University of Glasgow: Dr Katherine Allison Supervisor Charles University: Dr Emil Aslan Souleimanov MSc SECINTEL Independent Study (Dissertation) ABSTRACT The terrorist group known as IS (The Islamic State) has been remarkably successful in recruiting young European Muslims, including Italians, into joining its armed jihad. IS skilfully uses Islamist narratives to exploit the vulnerability of aggrieved individuals, which raises important questions regarding the role of Islam in the radicalisation process. This dissertation conducts an analytical inquiry into the journey to radicalism of two young Italian jihadists, Anas El Abboubi and Maria Giulia Sergio, in an attempt to present qualified supportive evidence for the claim that Islam is used as a justification factor rather than being the primary motivator in the adoption of radical beliefs. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the...

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Les récentes attaques terroristes fomentées par l’État islamique ont conduit des scientifiques et des experts à examiner le phénomène de l’idéologie et la radicalisation jihadistes. L’attention des chercheurs a porté principalement sur les raisons psychosociologiques qui peuvent amener un individu à adhérer à l’idéologie jihadiste (Khosrokhavar, 2014). Plusieurs études ont été menées également sur les stratégies adoptées par Daesh pour diffuser sa propagande sur internet (Rogan, 2006). Dans une « guerre argumentative » (Angenot, 2008) qui se base sur le langage, les émotions jouent un rôle crucial (Lombardi, 2015). Cette recherche vise à étudier non pas les stratégies de diffusion du discours jihadiste, mais à examiner le discours-même et, plus particulièrement, les stratégies rhétoriques que Daesh adopte aussi bien pour menacer son ennemi que pour fasciner ses sympathisants. De même, cette étude a pour objectif d’analyser le discours que le gouvernement français et l’Union Européenne ont produit afin de contrer la radicalisation jihadiste. En examinant à la fois le discours jihadiste et le contre-discours, cette recherche se propose de comparer les stratégies discursives qui caractérisent ces deux discours.L’analyse a été menée sur les deux revues diffusées par Daesh sur le web : Dabiq, publiée en anglais, et Dar al-Islam, publiée en français. En ce qui concerne le contre-discours, le corpus a été constitué à partir des articles publiés en ligne par le gouvernement français et l’Union Européenne sur les sites dédiés à la lutte contre la radicalisation jihadiste. Une approche quanti-qualitative a été adoptée afin d’identifier les caractéristiques générales et les spécificités de chaque corpus. Une analyse quantitative a été menée avec les logiciels Tropes et Iramuteq. Les résultats issus de cette analyse ont constitué le point de départ pour une étude qualitative, qui a permis d’identifier et d’étudier des éléments qui seraient passés inaperçus avec une étude uniquement quantitative. En outre, les logiciels Iramuteq et R ont été employés pour mener une analyse statistique et textuelle des différents corpus.Cette recherche a révélé des différences entre le discours jihadiste et le contre-discours, ainsi qu’entre le discours anglophone et le discours francophone. Contrairement au discours jihadiste anglophone, focalisé sur la communauté musulmane, le discours jihadiste francophone se focalise sur l’ennemi. Cette étude propose donc une description linguistique des émotions et des stratégies rhétoriques du discours jihadiste. Cette caractérisation discursive débouche sur des critères d’identification de la radicalisation sur le web et sur des préconisations concernant les types de messages les plus susceptibles de contrer la radicalisation jihadiste. / The recent terrorist attacks by the Islamic State in Western Europe have led researchers and experts to investigate the phenomenon of jihadist radicalisation. To date, research has tended to focus on the psycho-sociological reasons that may lead an individual to adhere to jihadist ideology and, sometimes, to act in the name of this ideology (Khosrokhavar, 2014). Different studies have also been conducted on the strategies adopted by Daesh to spread its propaganda on the Internet (Rogan, 2006). In an “argumentative war” (Angenot, 2008), that is, a war based on language, emotions play a crucial role (Lombardi, 2015).This study does not aim at studying the strategies adopted to spread the jihadist discourse. Rather, its goal is to examine the jihadist discourse itself and, more precisely, the rhetorical strategies adopted by Daesh to both threaten its enemy and fascinate its sympathisers. This dissertation also aims at analysing the discourse produced by both the French government and the European Union to counter jihadist radicalisation. By examining both jihadist discourse and counter-narrative, this study aims at comparing the discursive strategies characterising these two discourses.As far as the jihadist discourse is concerned, the study was conducted on the basis of two magazines released by Daesh on the Internet: Dabiq, published in English, and Dar al-Islam, published in French. As for the counter-narrative, the corpus consisted of the articles published online by both the French government and the European Union.A double quanti-qualitative approach was adopted in order to identify both the general features and the specificities of the different sub-corpora. A first quantitative analysis was conducted with the software Tropes and Iramuteq. The results obtained constituted the starting point for a qualitative study that allowed identifying and examining different features that might otherwise have gone unnoticed. Furthermore, the software Iramuteq and R were used to conduct a statistical and textual analysis in order to compare the different sub-corpora.This study revealed that the different discourses differ both in terms of content and form. Contrary to the English jihadist discourse, which focuses on the Muslim community as well as on the way a good Muslim should behave, the French jihadist discourse seems to focus on the enemy as well as on the violent action to take against them.

Les attentats du 7 juillet 2005, commis par quatre musulmans britanniques, placent la « radicalisation endogène », processus menant des Britanniques à apporter leur soutien au terrorisme, au centre des préoccupations du gouvernement. Cette recherche s’intéresse au paradoxe que constitue le programme de prévention de l’extrémisme violent (Prevent) formulé après ces attentats : supposé remédier au « manque d’intégration » des communautés musulmanes britanniques dans l’ethos national, il encourage de fait le financement d’initiatives portées par ou pour les musulmans. D’autre part, il prétend œuvrer à la construction de relations de confiance entre musulmans et institutions britanniques, mais place ces relations sous le prisme du contre-terrorisme. Le programme Prevent se place donc sous le signe d’une double ambivalence : renforcement d’une identité exclusive musulmane au lieu de faire primer une identité civique britannique, et « sécuritarisation » des rapports entre musulmans et institutions plutôt que construction d’une relation de confiance. Ce travail postule que ce décalage s’explique par la résurgence d’un cadre différentialiste propre à la Grande-Bretagne, où la société est vue comme composée de groupes ethno-culturels distincts. Ce cadre de pensée, qui a constitué la base des politiques de gestion de la diversité, a été réinvesti par les politiques de contre-terrorisme après 2005 pour « gagner les cœurs et les esprits » des populations dont se réclament les terroristes, et remobilisé par les acteurs de la mise en œuvre de Prevent à l’échelon local. Ce sont les apories de Prevent que sonde ce travail de thèse, en inscrivant cette stratégie dans la filiation des politiques de sécurité et de gestion de la diversité britanniques, et en la confrontant à sa mise en œuvre sur le terrain. / In the wake of the July 7, 2005 London bombings, perpetrated by four British Muslims, the British government devised a policy, Prevent, aimed at preventing “home-grown radicalisation”, that is to say the process by which young Britons come to support and possibly engage in acts of terrorism. This work focusses on two contradictions embedded in Prevent. First, this policy is meant to facilitate the cultural integration of Muslims into the national community, but works in practice as a new mono-ethnic funding stream for which only associations headed by or working with Muslims can apply. Second, it aims at enhancing institutional engagement with Muslims but narrows down such engagement to counter-terrorism purposes. Therefore, Prevent reinforces exclusive forms of identification to a Muslim communal identity instead of favouring inclusion in a wider civic community, and it securitises institutional relations with Muslims rather than fostering trust. It is argued here that such contradictions arise from the legacy of previous approaches of ethnic diversity management in Britain, which are based on the assumption that society is made of distinct groups (communities) defined by their ethnicity. This culturalist pattern, which has been key in the building of anti-discrimination legislation and measures to support cultural diversity, has been reinvested lately by counter-terrorism policies aimed at “winning the hearts and minds” of the populations whose support is sought by the terrorists. It has then been reinforced by the practice of fieldworkers involved in the implementation of Prevent at the local level. This work discusses the implications of the paradoxical nature of the Prevent strategy, tracing it back to the legacy of previous policies and contrasting it with its implementation on the ground.

De-radicalisation has become increasingly prevalent in the UK’s counter-terrorism policy as a strategy for tackling the threat of religiously inspired violence/extremism. Recently, British citizens fighting in Middle Eastern conflicts have rekindled the preoccupation of policymakers with the radicalisation of British Muslims. In fact the work of PREVENT post 2011 has primarily been recalibrated towards a greater focus on de-radicalisation interventions, which is delivered by the police through the Channel programme. Channel is perceived by policy-makers to be a more streamlined and effective way of dealing with radicalised/extremist individuals than the wide remit of PREVENT initiatives between 2006 and 2010. Indeed since becoming placed on a statutory footing in 2015, PREVENT requires public institutions, like schools and universities, to identify ‘vulnerable’ individuals’ at risk of radicalisation. And yet despite the greater attention on de-radicalisation, very little continues to be known about what makes violent individuals leave terrorism behind. De-radicalisation in PREVENT is characterised by the absence of credible research, little or no empirical evidence for policy development, confusion surrounding its conceptual framework, and conflicting policy logics. The following thesis is based on a case-study examination of de-radicalisation with 27 PREVENT practitioners. Through qualitative semi-structured interviews, my investigation seeks to address the problems that arise from the concept and practice of de-radicalisation in PREVENT by ascertaining (a) an ontological understanding of de-radicalisation and (b) the practice of de-radicalisation. The findings of the fieldwork data revealed the existence of multiple conceptions of de-radicalisation and a number of conceptual features unique to the UK context. Despite yielding a more fruitful conceptual and empirical understanding of de-radicalisation, the data in itself nevertheless could not fully explicate the relationship between several critical themes comprehensively within an analytically generative framework. With the inductive method falling short, I draw on Michel Foucault’s concept of the ‘technologies of the self’. Comprising of discursive, disciplinary, and confessional technologies, it is argued that the technologies of the self allows us to reframe the concept beyond the narrow confines of counter-terrorism policy and place it within wider governmental relations. Situated within neo-liberal governmentality, the technologies of the self encourage individuals to work on themselves and regulate their behaviour through a wide range of discursive, practical, and technical interventions. Seen in this way, de-radicalisation is therefore less about the mitigation of violence and more about the making of a particular political and ethical subjectivity. Ultimately, the technology of the self eschews the conceptual problems inherent in the PREVENT conception of de-radicalisation, the limitations evident in the literature, whilst amplifying the salient findings of my fieldwork data. It provides a more robust concept and theory that successfully captures and explains de-radicalisation in the UK context. This thesis thus makes an original contribution to knowledge by (1) being the first study to gather primary data on de-radicalisation in the UK; (2) offering an alternative concept of de-radicalisation; and (3) contributing to theories on the governmentality of radicalisation policies, focusing on the micro-politics of identity in neoliberal governance.

This thesis will provide readers with an in-depth understanding of the root causes and risks factors of Islamic radicalisation in France. It argues that Islamic radicalisation in France cannot solely be explained through one factor. This research argues that mental illnesses, deception, trauma and relative deprivation do not give a solid impetus for individuals to radicalize. Rather, radicalisation in France should be understood as an association of socio-economic, psychological, and political factors. Given the misuse of the term, the first chapter has been dedicated to its definition and to the differences between cognitive and behavioural radicalisation. Such differentiation is necessary for a thorough understanding of the topic. The second chapter gives a clear and concise overview of the different models and theories of radicalisation, contributing to a quick introduction to the different root causes and risk factors of radicalisation. The third chapter consists of a review and analysis of the available literature on the risk factors of radicalisation while the fourth and final chapter consists of an analysis of said factors in light of the French case, ultimately aiming to understand which root causes and risk factors are of high relevance in the case of France. All in all, this thesis sheds...

The conventional wisdom regarding European converts to Islam is based on the premise that the majority lack the necessary religious knowledge and being thus unable to discern between the various interpretations of Islam, they constitute easy prey for radicals. Moreover, the myth of “convert's zeal” contributes to the belief that being ready to prove their dedication to the new faith and community, converts are ready and willing do to everything, including the most atrocious acts of political violence. This thesis focuses on the question that asks: Under what conditions do converts to Islam coming from indigenous European societies radicalise? In other words, which factors determine both their non-violent (ideological) and violent (with subsequent engagement in terrorism) radicalisation? Consequently, the research aims to examine what the radicalisation mechanisms are that may lead to such an activity, to determine possible regularities and to analyse viable implications pertaining to countering them. The research aims to establish the conditions under which conversion leads to radicalisation and terrorist violence; analyse recrudescent concomitances of causal mechanisms of this phenomenon; explore possible pathways existing between conversion, radicalisation and terrorist violence; identify key variables pertaining to causal pathways and processes; provide hypotheses regarding the radicalisation pathways, and establish a typology that can serve as a basis for further studies. In this way the thesis contributes to the existing body of knowledge on the processes of radicalisation, establishing a base for further studies and enabling others to follow with more nuanced and elaborate theories in order to provide contingent recommendations for policy makers. By dispelling many stereotypes concerning European New Muslims this thesis offers a new, contextual approach to the researched question thus inviting the reader to reconsider the concepts of “convert”, “radicalisation” and “potential”- crucial for analysing the widely expressed assumptions that European converts to Islam are a homogenous “risk group” and a security threat.