There has been a great deal of research concerning the prevalence of date rape that occurs on college campuses around the country. Researchers also have investigated whether or not prevention programs are effective in lowering the incidence of date rape on campuses. While there have been numerous investigations done on prevention programs, few have implemented follow-up measures, and none have investigated if exposing participants to more than one program is more effective than just participating in one program. The purpose of this study was to determine if a prevention program that implements a three-session program is more effective than one that implements a one-session program. In addition, changes in attitudes were measured at four weeks follow-up, to determine if changes are permanent or not.Nine undergraduate counseling psychology classes consisting of 79 males and 156 females were randomly assigned (according to class) to a three-session, onesession, or control group. Each group completed a series of attitude scales at pre-test, post-test, and at four weeks follow-up.Results indicated that males in the three-session group displayed attitude changes in the desired direction at posttest, but rebound effects occurred according to their follow-up scores. Males in the three-session group had even less desirable scores at follow-up than they did at pretest. Males in the one-session group displayed similar trends, but not as severe as their counterparts. Females did not show similar trends, as their attitudes were already more desirable then the males at pre-test. At any time, females had more desirable overall scores than did males. Students who participated in the one-session program indicated that they would be more willing to help prevent date rape (i.e., by volunteering to present prevention programs) than those in the three-session program. Openended questions that addressed what the students liked about the program were asked, as well as what suggestions they had to improve the program. Overall, students in the onesession program reported more satisfaction than those in the three-session program. Limitations as well as suggestions for further research in this area were discussed. Further investigation is needed to examine what kinds of prevention programs will be most beneficial in changing men's attitudes in the desired direction. / Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services

Sexual assault has come to the forefront in terms of prevention and education for many social institutions such as college campuses. However, with a growing body of research highlighting the importance and effectiveness of interventions, research examining the impact of rape-related education on altering rape myth acceptance (RMA) among non-student populations is severely lacking. This is a problematic gap given the issue of sexual assault in the United States extends well beyond academia. The current study aimed to fill this gap by employing an experimental design with repeated measures. To detect changes in RMA after a short rape myth education intervention, pretest and posttest RMA scores were generated for all participants by using an altered version of the Updated Illinois Rape Myth Adherence scale. A sample of 137 non-students were surveyed via Amazon's Mechanical Turk and randomly assigned to a treatment (educational intervention) or control (unrelated video content). The treatment video was roughly ten minutes in length and constructed by the author for the purpose of the current research, after a search for a similar informal and accessible, but still research-based, video was not successful. Participants were presented with common rape myths and then provided with information (e.g., accessible research/statistics) with the aim to "debunk" these myths, and ultimately decrease acceptance of myths. Analyses indicate support for a significant change in RMA scores from pretest to posttest in the treatment group, finding support for the use of informal rape myth education in altering immediate RMA scores of a non-student sample. RMA scores were also examined by demographics to determine if within-group differences were present in the sample. No consistent results emerged in both the treatment and control group. Limitations and implications for future research are discussed

Numerous studies have looked at attitudes about sexual assault, or rape myths, but most of these studies have looked at sexual assault when victims are female and perpetrators are male. However, female-to-male rape does occur, and male victims experience negative consequences from the event. The aim of the present investigation was to develop a scale to measure acceptance of female-to-male rape myths. The investigation involved two separate phases that build on a pilot study in which a preliminary scale was developed. The first phase of the investigation identified male rape myths that are pertinent to female-to-male rape. The second phase developed the items of the scale from the rape myths identified in Phase 1 and evaluated the factor structure, reliability and validity of the scale. The Female-to-Male Rape Myths Scale (FMRM) consists of 30 items and was found to be a reliable and valid measure of female-to-male rape myth acceptance in Midwestern college students. The construct was found to be unifactorial with good internal consistency at .94. Scores on the FMRM correlated with scores on the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (Glick & Fiske, 1996), the Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay Men Scale (Herek, 1988), and the Male Rape Myths Scale (Kerr Melanson, 1999). Implications for future research and practical uses of the scale are discussed. / Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services

In addition to the reproductive benefits associated with outcompeting sexual rivals and being seen as an attractive mating prospect by women, research suggests that competition adaptively regulates men's sexual interest and behavior in preparation for mating opportunities following competitive outcomes, with victory leading to an increase in sexual interest and loss leading to a decrease in sexual interest. One hundred fifteen undergraduate men engaged in a contrived competitive task in which a third were led to believe that they won, a third were led to believe that they lost, and a third were led to believe that they neither won nor lost. Participants completed the Rape Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (RABS), which was used to test whether the effects of competition extend to men's proneness to sexual aggression. In addition, the current study attempted to replicate Gorelik and Bjorklund's (2015) finding that only single men's sexual interest is affected by competition. Results did not reveal an effect of competition on men's rape proclivity, although there were effects in the predicted direction on two of the RABS items. Gorelik and Bjorklund's (2015) effect of competition on men's sexual interest was not replicated. Limitations, implications for the understanding of the biology of sexual aggression, and directions for future research are discussed. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2015. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Lee, Shuk Ling Candy. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-193). / Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix C also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Abstract in Chinese --- p.iii / Acknowledgment --- p.iv / Table of contents --- p.v / List of tables --- p.viii / List of figures --- p.ix / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction / Chapter 1.1. --- Background of this study --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- Purpose of this study --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3. --- Scope and delimitation --- p.4 / Chapter 1.4. --- Organization of thesis --- p.5 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review / Chapter 2.1. --- Introduction --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2. --- Rape as a sexual offense --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2.1. --- The legal definition of rape --- p.9 / Chapter 2.2.2. --- The social definition of rape --- p.12 / Chapter 2.3. --- Rape myths --- p.13 / Chapter 2.3.1. --- The victim is lying --- p.15 / Chapter 2.3.2. --- The intercourse was consensual --- p.17 / Chapter 2.3.3. --- No damaged was done to the victim --- p.18 / Chapter 2.3.4. --- The victim is blamed --- p.20 / Chapter 2.4. --- Rape myths for male victims only --- p.22 / Chapter 2.4.1. --- "Outside of prisons, male rapes are impossible" --- p.22 / Chapter 2.4.2. --- Rapists and victims are homosexuals --- p.25 / Chapter 2.4.3. --- Males victims are weak --- p.26 / Chapter 2.5. --- Dyadic differences in attribution of rape myths --- p.27 / Chapter 2.6. --- Rape myths in Hong Kong --- p.30 / Chapter 2.7. --- Secondary victimization --- p.32 / Chapter 2.7.1. --- Post-traumatic stress disorder --- p.34 / Chapter 2.7.2. --- Underreporting of rape --- p.35 / Chapter 2.8. --- Conversational practice --- p.38 / Chapter 2.9. --- Metaphor and rape ´ب --- p.44 / Chapter 2.10. --- Summary --- p.49 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Method / Chapter 3.1. --- Introduction / Chapter 3.2. --- Research questions --- p.51 / Chapter 3.3. --- Research design --- p.52 / Chapter 3.3.1. --- Research procedures --- p.52 / Chapter 3.3.2. --- Participants --- p.53 / Chapter 3.3.3. --- Research setting --- p.55 / Chapter 3.3.4. --- Materials --- p.55 / Chapter 3.4. --- The vignette method --- p.56 / Chapter 3.5. --- Data analysis --- p.61 / Chapter 3.6. --- Feminist standpoint --- p.62 / Chapter 3.7. --- Triangulation --- p.62 / Chapter 3.8. --- Summary --- p.62 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Results and discussion: Dyadic differences / Chapter 4.1. --- Introduction --- p.64 / Chapter 4.2. --- Summary of the goal and procedure of the study --- p.64 / Chapter 4.3. --- Overview of rape myths --- p.65 / Chapter 4.4. --- Dyadic differences --- p.66 / Chapter 4.4.1. --- Distribution of rape myths 一 female rape --- p.66 / Chapter 4.4.2. --- Distribution of rape myths 一 male rape --- p.68 / Chapter 4.4.3. --- Conversational practices --- p.73 / Chapter 4.4.3.1. --- Who dominates the floor? --- p.73 / Chapter 4.4.3.2. --- Male pauses between turns --- p.79 / Chapter 4.4.3.3. --- The effect of the research context --- p.82 / Chapter 4.5. --- Summary --- p.83 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Results and discussion: Female rape talk / Chapter 5.1. --- Introduction --- p.85 / Chapter 5.2. --- Rape myths in detail --- p.85 / Chapter 5.2.1. --- Rape myth 1: The victim is lying --- p.86 / Chapter 5.2.1.1. --- Women are evil --- p.87 / Chapter 5.2.1.2. --- Women take pride of their sex appeal --- p.89 / Chapter 5.2.1.3. --- Rape is an easy accusation to make --- p.90 / Chapter 5.2.1.4. --- Rape is a shame and should be concealed from anyone --- p.93 / Chapter 5.2.1.5. --- Discussion --- p.94 / Chapter 5.2.2. --- Rape myth 2: The intercourse was consensual --- p.95 / Chapter 5.2.2.1. --- "Women never mean ""no""" --- p.96 / Chapter 5.2.2.2. --- Victims must have struggled hard --- p.97 / Chapter 5.2.2.3. --- Discussion --- p.98 / Chapter 5.2.3. --- Rape myth 3: No damage was done to the victim --- p.99 / Chapter 5.2.3.1. --- Raped women are impure --- p.100 / Chapter 5.2.3.2. --- Rape has done no damage to dissolute women --- p.101 / Chapter 5.2.3.3. --- Discussion --- p.102 / Chapter 5.2.4. --- Rape myth 4: The victim is blamed --- p.103 / Chapter 5.2.4.1. --- The public sphere is dangerous to females --- p.104 / Chapter 5.2.4.2. --- Victims are accused of their reckless behaviors --- p.107 / Chapter 5.2.4.3. --- Good things happen to good people; bad things happen to bad people --- p.112 / Chapter 5.2.4.4. --- Discussion --- p.113 / Chapter 5.3. --- Summary --- p.116 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Results and discussion: Male rape talk / Chapter 6.1. --- Introduction --- p.119 / Chapter 6.2. --- Male rape myths in detail --- p.119 / Chapter 6.2.1. --- Rape myth 1: Outside of prisons，male rape cannot happen --- p.119 / Chapter 6.2.1.1. --- Male rape is unexpected --- p.120 / Chapter 6.2.1.2. --- The male victim is relatively blameless --- p.122 / Chapter 6.2.1.3. --- Discussion --- p.124 / Chapter 6.2.2. --- Rape myth 2: Rapists and victims are homosexuals --- p.125 / Chapter 6.2.2.1. --- The rapist is homosexual because rape is a sexually motivated crime --- p.126 / Chapter 6.2.2.2. --- Male victims are construed as feminine --- p.129 / Chapter 6.2.2.3. --- Homophobia --- p.132 / Chapter 6.2.2.4. --- Discussion --- p.134 / Chapter 6.2.3. --- Rape myth 3: Male victims are weak --- p.136 / Chapter 6.2.3.1. --- Males should have the ability to resist --- p.136 / Chapter 6.2.3.2. --- Male rape victims are of young age --- p.138 / Chapter 6.2.3.3. --- Discussion --- p.139 / Chapter 6.3. --- Summary --- p.140 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Results and discussion: Metaphors in rape talk / Chapter 7.1. --- Introduction --- p.142 / Chapter 7.2. --- Metaphors --- p.142 / Chapter 7.2.1. --- Female rape is science; male rape is supernatural --- p.143 / Chapter 7.2.2. --- The rapist is a wolf; rape is preying; the victim is a prey --- p.146 / Chapter 7.2.3. --- The act of rape is holding in the hand --- p.149 / Chapter 7.2.4. --- Rape is war --- p.151 / Chapter 7.3. --- Discussion --- p.152 / Chapter 7.4. --- Summary --- p.158 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Conclusion / Chapter 8.1. --- Introduction --- p.150 / Chapter 8.2. --- Summary --- p.160 / Chapter 8.2.1. --- How do Hong Kong students of mixed- and same-sex dyads talk about rape? --- p.160 / Chapter 8.2.2. --- How are rape myths constructed through conversations of dyads about female and male rape? --- p.162 / Chapter 8.2.3. --- What metaphors do the dyads use when discussing rape? --- p.166 / Chapter 8.3. --- Limitation --- p.168 / Chapter 8.4. --- Contributions --- p.169 / Chapter 8.5. --- Recommendations --- p.172 / Chapter 8.6. --- Suggestions for further research --- p.176 / References --- p.180 / Appendices / Appendix A Participant information --- p.194 / Appendix B Personal information questionnaire --- p.200 / Appendix C The vignettes --- p.201 / Appendix D Consent form --- p.203

In this minithesis I conduct a critical discourse analysis to take on a double-pronged task. On the one hand I explore the social phenomenon of the contestation between supporters of then-ANC deputy president Jacob Zuma and supporters of his rape accuser. The trial, which took place in the Johannesburg High Court between mid-February and early May 2006, stirred intense public interest, both locally and internationally. The performance of thousands of Zuma’s supporters and a far smaller number of gender rights lobby groups, both of whom kept a presence outside the court building throughout the trial, received similar attention. Second, I examine how the Sowetan, a national daily tabloid with a black, middle-class readership, mediated the trial through pictures of the theatre outside the court and letters to the editor. The study is informed by post-Marxist and cultural studies perspectives, both approaches that are concerned with issues of power, ideology and the circulation of meaning within specific sociocultural contexts. A rudimentary thematic content analysis draws out some of the main themes from the material, while the critical discourse analysis is located within a theoretical framework based on concepts from Laclau & Mouffe’s theory of meaning, which assumes a power struggle between contesting positions seeking to invalidate one another and to either challenge or support existing hegemonies. This is further informed by, first, Laclau’s theorisation of populism, which assumes that diverse groupings can unite under a demagogue’s banner in shared antagonism towards existing power, and second, by concepts from Mamdani’s theorisation of power and resistance in colonial and post-colonial Africa, which explicates three overarching ideological discourses of human rights, social justice and traditional ethnic practices. The study, then, explores how these three discourses were operationalised by the localised contestations over the trial.