Anthony Comstock was a moral crusader who abhorred all things lewd and obscene, and who was successful in introducing the Comstock Law to help his fight against it. His lifelong battle against vice at the end of the nineteenth-century had an impact on literature and the literary world as it transitioned from Victorian prudery to modernist realism. Comstock’s influence negatively affected publishers, distributers, and writers, in particular, canonical Americans Walt Whitman and Theodore Dreiser. His methods were unconventional, and in the name of morality, Comstock often behaved immorally to achieve his goals of protecting youth from being corrupted by obscenity. The question of the value of censorship was present then, as it still endures today, and centered on the potential harm of viewing or reading obscene materials. Although Comstock presented an impressive record of confiscations and arrests, his crusade did not have a lasting effect beyond the fin de siècle. / vi, 99 leaves ; 29 cm

Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Economic and Financial Studies, Dept. of Economics, 1999. / Bibliography: p. 232-255. / Introduction -- Cheap money and Ottawa -- The World Economic Conference -- F.L. McDougall -- The beginnings of the 'employment approach' -- Coombs and consolidation -- Bretton Woods -- An international employment agreement -- The 'employment approach' reconsidered -- The Keynesian 'revolution' in Australia -- Conclusion. / Between 1925 and 1950, Australian economists embarked on a series of campaigns to influence international policy-making. The three distinct episodes of these campaigns were unified by the conviction that 'expansionary' economic policies by all countries could solve the world's economic problems. As well as being driven by self-interest (given Australia's dependence on commodity exports), the campaigns were motivated by the desire to promote economic and social reform on the world stage. They also demonstrated the theoretical skills of Australian economists during a period in which the conceptual instruments of economic analysis came under increasing pressure. -- The purpose of this study is to document these campaigns, to analyse their theoretical and policy implications, and to relate them to current issues. Beginning with the efforts of Australian economists to persuade creditor nations to enact 'cheap money' policies in the early 1930s, the study then explores the advocacy of F.L. McDougall to reconstruct agricultural trade on the basis of nutrition. Finally, it examines the efforts of Australian economists to promote an international agreement binding the major economic powers to the pursuit of full employment. -- The main theses advanced in the dissertation are as follows: Firstly, it is argued that these campaigns are important, neglected indicators of the theoretical positions of Australian economists in the period. Hitherto, the evolution of Australian economic thought has been interpreted almost entirely on the basis of domestic policy advocacy, which gave rise to the view that Australian economists before 1939 were predominantly orthodox in theoretical outlook and policy prescriptions. However, when their international policy advocacy is included, a quite different picture emerges. Their efforts to achieve an expansion in global demand were aimed at alleviating Australia's position as a small open economy with perennial external sector problems, but until such international policies were in place, they were forced by existing circumstances to confine their domestic policy advice to orthodox, deflationary measures. -- Secondly, the campaigns make much more explicable the arrival and dissemination of the Keynesian revolution in Australian economic thought. A predilection for expansionary and proto-Keynesian policies, present within the profession for some time, provided fertile ground for the Keynesian revolution when it finally arrived. Thirdly, by supplying evidence of expansionary international policies, the study provides a corrective to the view that Australia's economic interaction with the rest of the world has largely been one of excessive defensiveness. -- Originality is claimed for the study in several areas. It provides the first comprehensive study of all three campaigns and their unifying themes. It demonstrates the importance to an adequate account of the period of the large amount of unpublished material available in Australian archives. It advances ideas and policy initiatives that have hitherto been ignored, or only partially examined, in the existing literature. And it provides a new perspective on Australian economic thought and policy in the inter-war years. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / 255 p

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. [26-29]).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 2007. / "Graduate Program in Women's and Gender Studies." Includes bibliographical references (p. 235-247).

The goal of this thesis on roman and greek reformers was to create a methodical summary of the most important constitutional reforms in ancient Rome and Greece. It is mostly focussed on the history of ancient Rome or Roman reformers, respectively. I call these reforms constitutional for their undoubted life-changing impact on the society as a whole - some of the reforms changed the ancient societies for the upcoming decades and even centuries, some changed them, as I believe, forever. For example a struggle between Lucius Cornelius Sulla and Gaius Marius had a far- reaching impact on Rome as too much of "unbreakable" rules were broken - which, of course, led to another and another heavy and unprecedented interventions which ultimately led to the fall of the republic and the beginning of the new, Imperial, era. Main sources of this thesis are the texts of ancient authors, such as Plutarch Suetonius and Appian, as it was one of my goals to use primary literature as much as possible.

American history has celebrated the involvement of black women in the "underground railroad," but little is said about women's everyday resistance to the institutional constraints and abuses of slavery. Many Americans have probably heard of and know about Harriet Tubman and Sojourner Truth - two very prominent black female resistance leaders and abolitionists-- but this thesis addresses the lives of some of the less-celebrated and lesser-known (more obscure) women; part of the focus is on the common tasks, relationships, burdens, and leadership roles of these very brave enslaved women. Resistance history in the Caribbean and Americas in its various forms has always emphasized the role of men as leaders and heroes. Studies in the last two decades Momsen 1996, Mintz 1996, Bush 1990, Beckles and Shepherd, Ellis 1985, 1996, Hart 1980, 1985) however, are beginning to suggest the enormous contributions of women to the successes of many of the resistance events. Also, research revelations are being made correcting the negative impressions and images of enslaved women as depicted in colonial writings (Mathis 2001, Beckles and Shepherd 1996, Cooper 1994, Campbell 1986, Price 1996, Campbell 1987). Some of these new findings portray women as not only actively at the forefront of colonial military and political resistance operations but performed those activities in addition to their roles as the bearers of their individual original cultures. Their goal was achievement of freedom for their people. Freedom can be seen as a magic word that politicians, propagandists, psychologists and priests throw around with ease. Yet, to others freedom has a different meaning which varies with the individual's sense of associated values. Freedom without qualification is an abstract noun meaning, "not restricted, unimpeded", or simply, "liberty"; but when it is concretized in individual situations its meaning is narrowed, and it becomes clear that no one can be fully free. Yet the love of freedom is one of our deepest feelings, a truly heartfelt cry, freedom of wide open spaces, liberty to enjoy the taste, in unrestricted fashion, of the joys of nature, to live a life free from external anxieties and internal fears; freedom to be truly ourselves. All living creatures, even animals seem to value their freedom above all else. Enslaved people were not submissive towards their oppressors; attempts were made both subtly, overtly and violently to resist their so-called "masters" and slavery conditions. Violent and non-violent resistance were carried out by the enslaved throughout colonial history on both sides of the Atlantic, and modern historical literature shows that women oftentimes displayed more resistance than men. Enslaved Africans started to fight the transatlantic slave trade as soon as it began. Their struggles were multifaceted and covered four continents over four centuries. Still, they have often been underestimated, overlooked, or forgotten. African resistance was reported in European sources only when it concerned attacks on slave ships and company barracoons, but acts of resistance also took place far from the coast and thus escaped the slavers' attention. To discover them, oral history, archaeology, and autobiographies and biographies of African victims of the slave trade have to be probed. Taken together, these various sources offer a detailed image of the varied strategies Africans used to defend themselves and mount attacks against the slave trade in various ways. The Africans' resistance continued in the Americas, by running away, establishing Maroon communities, sabotage, conspiracy, and open uprising against those who held them in captivity. Freed people petitioned the authorities, led information campaigns, and worked actively to abolish the slave trade and slavery. In Europe, black abolitionists launched or participated in civic movements to end the deportation and enslavement of Africans. They too delivered speeches, provided information, wrote newspaper articles and books. Using violent as well as nonviolent means, Africans in Africa, the Americas, and Europe were constantly involved in the fight against the slave trade and slavery. Women are half the human race and they're half of history, as well. Until recent years, Black women's history has been even less than that. Much work has been done studying the lives of slaves in the United States and the slave system. From elementary school in the USA on through college we are taught the evils of slavery that took place right here in the Land of the Free. However, how much do we know about the enslaved in other places, namely the Caribbean? The Caribbean was the doorway to slavery here in the New World, and so it is important that we study the hardships that enslaved people suffered in that area. Slaves regularly resisted their masters in any way they could. Female slaves, in particular, are reported to have had a very strong sense of independence and they regularly resisted slavery using both violent and non-violent means. The focus of my research is on the lives of enslaved women in the Caribbean and their brave resistance to bondage. Caribbean enslaved women exhibited their strong character, independence and exceptional self worth through their opposition to the tasks they performed in the fields on plantations. Resistance was expressed in many different rebellious ways including not getting married, refusing to reproduce, and through various other forms as part of their open physical resistance. The purpose of this project is to identify the role enslaved women in both the Caribbean and the USA played in some of the major uprisings, revolts, and rebellions during their enslavement period. The research identifies individual female personalities, who played key roles in not only the everyday work on plantations, but also in planning resistance movements in the slave communities. This study utilizes plantations records, archival material, and official sources. Archival records from plantations located in archives and county clerks' offices; interviews with sources such as researchers and experts familiar with the plantations of slave communities in designated areas; and research in libraries, as well as other sources, oral histories, written and oral folklore, and personal interviews were used as well.

This dissertation examines the relationship between Baptists and social reform from 1770 through 1860. Chapter one examines two explanations to the social movements of this period. Attention is given to the tension between personal piety and social activism inherent in Baptist life. Chapter two explores the most controversial social issue of the nineteenth century: slavery. By weighing in on the colonization scheme, religious instruction, and abolition. Chapter three examines one of the most significant but least known debates of the antebellum period: the effort to end Sabbath mail delivery. Baptists pressed for a legislative end to a social problem. Not all Baptists shared the conviction that Congress should interfere. The subject of chapter four is the evangelical crusade against poverty. Baptists spiritualized the effort. Fighting poverty meant encouraging conversion and promoting virtue. Chapter five presents the temperance crusade as a spiritual and political mission. Temperance tested Baptist convictions more than any other philanthropic movement. The tension between the sacred and the secular came to the fore as Baptists disagreed over the role of benevolent societies. Chapter six examines the role of piety in Baptist life. It argues that far from forcing Baptists to withdraw from society and culture, their view of personal piety drove them into society. It was forged by their understanding of and desire for religious liberty. From very early on, they came to believe that society's best hope was a Christian and a church committed to the gospel. Even when Baptists articulated the spiritual nature of the church, they did so with the understanding that a spiritual church is a blessing to society. Chapter seven considers the impetus for direct political engagement discussed by Baptists. Always rejecting party politics, Baptists knew they had a responsibility to engage the public sphere. Pastors looked for "the medium path" that embraced every topic worthy of sermonizing without degrading their ministry. Chapter eight summarizes the argument. Baptists were social reformers. / This item is only available to students and faculty of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. If you are not associated with SBTS, this dissertation may be purchased from <a href="http://disexpress.umi.com/dxweb">http://disexpress.umi.com/dxweb</a> or downloaded through ProQuest's Dissertation and Theses database if your institution subscribes to that service.

No description available.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T10:47:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Novelli_JoseMarcosNayme_D.pdf: 3775501 bytes, checksum: 3f883d3bcb41fce222509268d01bae62 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Este trabalho aborda os fatores políticos e sociais presentes tanto nos processos inflacionários, quanto nos desinflacionários. Para tanto, partiu das experiências históricas, especialmente da hiperinflação alemã dos anos 1920, para elaborar um marco analítico que contemplasse aqueles elementos e que, assim, pudesse analisar esses fenômenos em alguns países (Argentina, México, Coréia, Índia e Turquia), mas principalmente no Brasil. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa identificou que, independentemente das causas da inflação, a manutenção de taxas altas de inflação requer a existência de uma coalizão composta pelas principais classes sociais. A dinâmica da coalizão inflacionária é dada pelo conflito de classes e é sustentada por mecanismos institucionais criados pelo Estado. Para o desmonte da coalizão inflacionária foi preciso a constituição de uma outra coalizão, bem como o concurso do Estado. Nos casos analisados, detectou-se que a nova coalizão não era apenas desinflacionária, mas também reformista. O Estado, através de diferentes instrumentos, destruiu aqueles mecanismos anteriormente utilizados. Além disso, uma nova ordem econômica internacional foi fundamental para que a estabilidade de preços passasse a vigorar nos países que conviveram com taxas relativamente altas de inflação / Abstract: This thesis deals with the social and political factors present in inflation and disinflation. The research begins with the historical experiences, mainly the German hyperinflation of the 1920s, in order to elaborate an analytical framework containing these elements to make it possible to analyze these phenomena experienced in other countries (Argentina, Mexico, Korea, India and Turkey), but mainly in Brazil. This thesis is not direct at identifying the causes of the inflation, but merely the maintenance of high inflation rates. For this reason it was necessary to build a coalition composed by the main social classes. The dynamics of the inflationary coalition was developed by the class struggle and sustained by institutional mechanisms created by the State. In order to dismantle the inflationary coalition, another coalition constituted, the reformist-disinflationary coalition, which was supported by the State. The State, through different instruments, destroyed the mechanisms previously utilized. A new international economic order was fundamental for sustaining the stability of prices in the countries that had experienced relatively high rates of inflation / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

The goal of this thesis on roman and greek reformers was to create a methodical summary of the most important constitutional reforms in ancient Rome and Greece. It is mostly focussed on the history of ancient Rome or Roman reformers, respectively. I call these reforms constitutional for their undoubted life-changing impact on the society as a whole - some of the reforms changed the ancient societies for the upcoming decades and even centuries, some changed them, as I believe, forever. For example a struggle between Lucius Cornelius Sulla and Gaius Marius had a far- reaching impact on Rome as too much of "unbreakable" rules were broken - which, of course, led to another and another heavy and unprecedented interventions which ultimately led to the fall of the republic and the beginning of the new, Imperial, era. Main sources of this thesis are the texts of ancient authors, such as Plutarch Suetonius and Appian, as it was one of my goals to use primary literature as much as possible.