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Frances Wright attempted to reform America between 1825 and 1839. Her activities were unlike any other for a woman of her time. In public lectures to audiences of men and women throughout the East and Midwest, she spoke on the evils of orthodox religion and advocated abolition, equal rights, and universal education for all people regardless of gender or class. In both action and thought, she challenged all notions of nineteenth-century womanhood. Wright's public career helps illuminate the history of antebellum American reform because it reflects the ferment and range of such activity.This study will demonstrate that ideology as a category of study is useful when examining nineteenth-century women in several interrelated contexts. Unlike previous studies examining her as a women's rights advocate, however, this is not a feminist interpretation. Wright's significance as a humanitarian is much larger than any emphasis she gave to women in her rhetoric. Part of her motivation, like her sisters in benevolence reform, involved Christianity and orthodox religion. But unlike most women of her time, Wright believed religion prevented the realization of republican values -- in particular, equality -- because the clergy perpetuated elements of theology scientific methods could not prove true. Intellectual development and social improvement could not occur, she boldly asserted, until Americans threw off religion's blanket of ignorance. Most Americans rejected Wright's denunciations of religion and calls for equality, but to some her message rang true. Her rhetoric planted in progressive women concepts about religious constraints on females and the possibilities of egalitarianism. These individuals would become leaders in the women's rights movement during the final decades of the century. / Department of History

John Humphrey Noyes was the founder of the Oneida Community, one of the most successful utopian ventures in nineteenth-century America. Early in his life, Noyes was a deep religious thinker, but he founded Oneida as an ideal society based on extending the family unit, and not as a church. Noyes's social theories eventually overwhelmed his former religious concentration. The purpose of this thesis is to locate in Noyes's religiously-oriented youth the sources of his social interests. Few scholars have studied in depth the childhood and young manhood of John Humphrey Noyes, but that is where the roots of his social theories are to be found. Noyes did write his religious autobiography, but completely passed over his formative years. Further, he never wrote the analysis of his social ideas and experiences that he had once promised. However, many of his early letters and journals have been compiled and edited by his relatives; and his immediate family left reminiscences of his youth. These works provide most of the available information on the childhood of Noyes. Large gaps in his history do exist, however. Therefore, the modern psychological theories of Erik Erikson are used to illuminate the otherwise shadowy areas of Noyes's early life.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 430-456). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / 456 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm

Anthony Comstock was a moral crusader who abhorred all things lewd and obscene, and who was successful in introducing the Comstock Law to help his fight against it. His lifelong battle against vice at the end of the nineteenth-century had an impact on literature and the literary world as it transitioned from Victorian prudery to modernist realism. Comstock’s influence negatively affected publishers, distributers, and writers, in particular, canonical Americans Walt Whitman and Theodore Dreiser. His methods were unconventional, and in the name of morality, Comstock often behaved immorally to achieve his goals of protecting youth from being corrupted by obscenity. The question of the value of censorship was present then, as it still endures today, and centered on the potential harm of viewing or reading obscene materials. Although Comstock presented an impressive record of confiscations and arrests, his crusade did not have a lasting effect beyond the fin de siècle. / vi, 99 leaves ; 29 cm

This dissertation examines the relationship between Baptists and social reform from 1770 through 1860. Chapter one examines two explanations to the social movements of this period. Attention is given to the tension between personal piety and social activism inherent in Baptist life. Chapter two explores the most controversial social issue of the nineteenth century: slavery. By weighing in on the colonization scheme, religious instruction, and abolition. Chapter three examines one of the most significant but least known debates of the antebellum period: the effort to end Sabbath mail delivery. Baptists pressed for a legislative end to a social problem. Not all Baptists shared the conviction that Congress should interfere. The subject of chapter four is the evangelical crusade against poverty. Baptists spiritualized the effort. Fighting poverty meant encouraging conversion and promoting virtue. Chapter five presents the temperance crusade as a spiritual and political mission. Temperance tested Baptist convictions more than any other philanthropic movement. The tension between the sacred and the secular came to the fore as Baptists disagreed over the role of benevolent societies. Chapter six examines the role of piety in Baptist life. It argues that far from forcing Baptists to withdraw from society and culture, their view of personal piety drove them into society. It was forged by their understanding of and desire for religious liberty. From very early on, they came to believe that society's best hope was a Christian and a church committed to the gospel. Even when Baptists articulated the spiritual nature of the church, they did so with the understanding that a spiritual church is a blessing to society. Chapter seven considers the impetus for direct political engagement discussed by Baptists. Always rejecting party politics, Baptists knew they had a responsibility to engage the public sphere. Pastors looked for "the medium path" that embraced every topic worthy of sermonizing without degrading their ministry. Chapter eight summarizes the argument. Baptists were social reformers. / This item is only available to students and faculty of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. If you are not associated with SBTS, this dissertation may be purchased from <a href="http://disexpress.umi.com/dxweb">http://disexpress.umi.com/dxweb</a> or downloaded through ProQuest's Dissertation and Theses database if your institution subscribes to that service.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This dissertation employs a historical approach to the philanthropic activities of Madam C.J. Walker, an African American female entrepreneur who built an international beauty culture company that employed thousands of people, primarily black women, and generated hundreds of thousands of dollars in annual revenues during the Jim Crow era. The field of philanthropic studies has recognized Walker as a philanthropist, but has not effectively accounted for how her story challenges conventional understandings of philanthropy. I use historical methods and archival research to determine what motivated and constituted Walker’s philanthropic giving to arrive at three main conclusions. First, Walker’s philanthropy can be best understood as emerging out of a moral imagination forged by her experiences as a poor, black, female migrant in St. Louis, Missouri during the late 1800s dependent upon a robust philanthropic infrastructure of black civil society institutions and individuals who cared for and mentored her through the most difficult period of her life. Second, she created and operated her company to pursue commercial and philanthropic goals concurrently by improving black women’s personal hygiene and appearance; increasing their access to vocational education, beauty culture careers, and financial independence; and promoting social bonding and activism through associationalism, and, later, fraternal ritual. Third, during her lifetime and through her estate, Walker deployed a diverse array of philanthropic resources to fund African American social service and educational needs in networks with other black women. Her giving positions her philanthropy as simultaneously distinct from the dominant paradigm of wealthy whites and as shared with that of other African Americans. Her approach thus ran counter to the racialized and gendered models of giving by the rich white male and female philanthropists of her era, while being representative of black women’s norms of giving.

Many religious leaders in the early 1900s were afraid of the immoral associations and repercussions of birth control. The Catholic Church and some Protestants never accepted contraception, or accepted it much later, but many mainline Protestants leaders did change their tune dramatically between the years of 1920 and 1931. This investigation seeks to understand how Margaret Sanger was able to use her rhetoric to move her reform from the leftist outskirts and decadent, sexual connotations into the mainstream of family-friendly, morally virtuous, and even conservative religious approval. Securing the approval of religious leaders subsequently provided the impetus for legal and medical acceptance by the late-1930s. Margaret Sanger used conferences, speeches, articles, her magazine (Birth Control Review), and several books to reinforce her message as she pragmatically shifted from the radical left closer to the center and conservatives. She knew the power of the churches to influence their members, and since the United States population had undeniably a Judeo-Christian base, this power could be harnessed in order to achieve success for the birth control movement, among the conservative medical and political communities and the public at large. Despite the clear consensus against birth control by all mainline Christian churches in 1920, including Roman Catholics and Protestants alike, the decade that followed would bring about a great divide that would continue to widen in successive decades. Sanger put forward many arguments in her works, but the ones which ultimately brought along the relatively conservative religious leaders were those that presented birth control not as a gender equity issue, but rather as a morally constructive reform that had the power to save and strengthen marriages; lessen prostitution and promiscuity; protect the health of women; reduce abortions, infanticide, and infant mortality; and improve the quality of life for children and families. Initially, many conservatives and religious leaders associated the birth control movement with radicals, feminists, prostitutes, and promiscuous youth, and feared contraception would lead to immorality and the deterioration of the family. Without the threat of pregnancy, conservatives feared that youth and even married adults would seize the opportunity to have sex outside of marriage. Others worried the decreasing size of families was a sign of growing selfishness and materialism. In response, Sanger promoted the movement as a way for conservatives to stop the rising divorce rates by strengthening and increasing marriages, and to improve the lives of families by humanely increasing the health and standard of living, for women and children especially. In short, she argued that birth control would not lead to deleterious consequences, but would actually improve family moral values and become an effective humanitarian reform. She recognized that both liberals and conservatives were united in hoping to strengthen the family, and so she emphasized those virtues and actively courted those same conservative religious leaders that had previously shunned birth control and the movement. Throughout the 1920s, she emphasized the ways in which birth control could strengthen marriages and improve the quality of life of women and children, and she effectively won over the relatively conservative religious leaders that she needed to bring about the movement’s public, medical, and political progress.