This thesis seeks to evaluate the progress of regional community building in Southeast Asia, which has been undertaken by the Association of Southeast Asians (ASEAN). The thesis analyses the extent to which there has been a shift from policies and processes associated with “old regionalism” (state-security-economic centred regionalism) towards those which are associated with “new regionalism” and a regional community (the widening of regionalism to non-state actors, and expansion of regional cooperation into new areas, and regional solidarity). The first half of the thesis demonstrates the persistence of “old regionalism,” based on a tendency to differentiate others as an external security threat in Thailand's bilateral relations. This tendency is driven by a deeply embedded historical legacy of differentiation, which is pursued by state actors for domestic political interests, as well as on-going bilateral disputes, and a militarised border. The second half of the thesis tests the significance of “new regionalism,” based on three case studies on civil society participation in regional community building. These case studies demonstrate how “new regionalism” is significant in form, rather than in substance, and how progress in community building is mainly driven by the more democratic ASEAN member states. Visible progress in community building includes the emergence of ASEAN-CSO meetings, an ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), and a transnational civil society network (TCSN), which is increasing society's regional awareness and society's participation in regionalism. However, substantive progress is lacking, due to the region's political diversity and the prioritization of regional unity over the realization of a people-oriented ASEAN Community. Thus, ASEAN community building is empty in substance, due to the continuation of politically motivated differentiation and border insecurity, symbolic meetings between states and CSOs, a powerless regional human rights body, and the remaining gap between regional declarations and policy implementation.

¡§How to empower the community¡¨ is the most important element to advance the performance of the community development affairs in Taiwan. To encourage the community people to care about their community public affairs and to solve their problems by themselves is the major aims of community renaissance. During 2002-2005, the Council for Cultural Affairs of the Executive Yuan had a program to empower community people. Four regional empowerment centers were appointed to execute this program. The main purpose of this study are: (1) to assess the training effectiveness of the empowerment project; (2) to explore what the factors may affect the training effectiveness of community empowerment; and (3) to evaluate the trainees¡¦ satisfaction during the training periods. In order to achieve the above three purposes, this study developed a questionnaire of community empowerment evaluation by reviewing literatures and interviewing the executives of the program. All of the four regional trainees targeted as a sample that attended this program. It adopted self- evaluation by trainees, and applied SPSS10.0 statistics software to analyze it. The results of this study revealed five indications: 1.The program was successful in strengthening community empowerment after the training courses. 2.What status people serve in their community is the only individual factor which will affect the effectiveness. 3.Personality and encouragement are also the factors will affect the effectiveness. 4.By the factor analysis, this study distinguished personality into two factors, including enthusiastic amicability and motivation. 5.There is a positive relationship between the residents¡¦ satisfaction and effectiveness.

Memoire (M.E.S.R.)-- Universite du Quebec a Chicoutimi, 1988. / Document électronique également accessible en format PDF. CaQCU

北極地區因蘊藏豐富之石油、天然氣、自然資源及煤、鐵、銅、鈾等礦產資源，加上因特殊地理位置決定其全球性戰略地位，引起美、俄、加、丹麥、挪威等北極國家與其他非北極國家之爭奪，尤其在全球油氣資源日趨匱乏的今天，被稱為「第二個中東」的北極價值日益顯現； 北極之於人類價值有四重—環境、軍事、資源和航道，而中共為維護其國家經濟生存命脈之北海航道航行權及全球戰略地位之維護，而積極參與北極事物之國際活動。 吾人乃針對中共參與北冰洋區域事務博弈之利弊得失等面向進行分析與探討，並發現當前中共面臨之障礙，包括北冰洋沿岸國家試圖阻撓非北冰洋沿岸國家進入北極地區、缺乏對中共有利的國際協調機制平臺、缺乏足夠的科研資訊儲備與冰海航運船舶等限制。 此外，吾人另對北極事務主要競逐國之積極作為進行分析，並提出中共未來應對北極事務可能採取之因應作為，包括加大利用現有國際法中有利條款，維護中共的北冰洋航運權益、提升中共對北極事務的制度性參與力度、積極維護北冰洋航道的公海航運自由等，作為中共爭奪北海權益之準備作為等結論。 　　同時，吾人認為中共將持續加大對北極區域事務關注力度、決不允許淪為他國之制約地位，而威脅自身經濟、安全地位之發展；尤其中共對北極海海域劃界問題之主張，具有成為未來中共於東海劃界問題與西南海域劃界問題之參考，實為我方關注要點。 當前，我國與中共的關係，雖有所緩和，但從大的戰略方向上，中共在國際上對臺灣仍持續加以打壓，孤立臺灣，因此對臺灣而言，須瞭解中共在國際戰略中的各種作為，包括對北極事務採取的戰略為何？才能有所因應。 / Because of the Arctic region is rich in oil, natural gas, and natural resources because of the special geographical position with its global strategic position, cause the United States, Russia, Canada, Denmark, Norway and other countries and other Arctic the Arctic National Competition, especially in the global oil and gas resources shortage today, polar value appears day by day; the Arctic on the human value of four heavy environment, military, resource and channel, and the Communist Party of China to maintain its national economy lifeblood of Beihai waterway navigation rights and the maintenance of global strategic position, and actively participate in international activities in the Arctic. It is aimed at China's participation in the Arctic region affairs the pros and cons of the game were analyzed and discussed, and found that the current CPC faced obstacles, including the Arctic coastal States trying to thwart the Arctic coastal states into the Arctic, the lack of the favorable international coordination mechanism, the lack of adequate scientific research platform information reserve and ice shipping limited. In addition, one another on the Arctic affairs mainly competing country actively as carries on the analysis, and proposed the future Arctic affairs may adopt coping as, including the increased use of existing international law the favourable terms, maintenance of Arctic shipping interests, enhance the north polar affairs system involved in active maintenance efforts, Arctic waterway the free shipping, as the battle for Beihai interests of the prepared as a conclusion. At the same time, we believe that China will continue to increase the intensity of concern, regional affairs must not be allowed to become his country's restrictive position, threatening its economic, safety status of development; especially on the Arctic sea delimitation of advocates, has become the future of Yu Donghai and southwest of delimitation of maritime boundary delimitation of reference, it is for me square key points. At present, China's relations with the CPC, although alleviate somewhat, but from the strategic direction of the Communist Party of China in international, Taiwan continued to be suppressed, isolated Taiwan, so in the case of Taiwan, must understand China in international strategy in various as, including the Arctic affairs strategy? To help with.