Since the late 1990s economic insecurity and political uncertainty have continued to worsen in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe's economy plunged into deep crisis in the early 2000s owing to failed fiscal policies and the highly criticised 'Fast-track' land reform program. Election related violence between 2002 and 2013 resulted in a state of insecurity thereby leading to an exodus of Zimbabwean migrants. An unprecedented influx of Zimbabwean migrants to South Africa (SA) led to high levels of illegal migration and the clogging up of the asylum seeker management system in the early 2000s. In 2009, SA launched the Dispensation of Zimbabweans Project (DZP) in order to achieve four main objectives: to reduce pressure on the asylum management system, to curb the deportation of illegal Zimbabwean migrants, to regularise Zimbabweans who were residing in SA illegally and to provide amnesty to Zimbabweans who had obtained South African documents fraudulently. The DZP was considered a success and a successor permit, the Zimbabwe Special Dispensation Permit (ZSP), was launched in 2014 to allow former DZP applicants to extend their stay in South Africa. Using government publications, parliamentary debates, non-governmental organization (NGO) and media reports it was found that the DZP reduced pressure on the asylum seeker management system while deportation figures dropped significantly. It was also found that, less than 6% (250 000) of an estimated 1,5 million undocumented migrants were documented during the regularisation processes. The DZP and ZSP projects complemented South Africa's highly restrictive approach to migration management and jealous safeguarding of access to permanent residence and citizenship. The regularisation projects also enabled the South African government to show sympathy towards Zimbabweans who were forced to migrate to South Africa by recognising that they could not return home as long as the situation back home remained unchanged.

Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 86-91).

Bibliography: leaves 74-77. / This thesis examines the growing partnership between Russia and the ED. Although suspicious of each other's intentions at times, both sides have realized the necessity for close cooperation. In many respects, the ED is an economic empire in search of a security structure, while Russia is a military power without an economic base. The crime, corruption, and slowly developing democracy in Russia are of supreme security concern for the EU, because they create instability and uncertainty in the region.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 80-89). / This research explores the extent to which Zimbabwean national policies and more broadly SADC affect informal trade and informal traders. Whilst SADC governments claim a desire to fight poverty, the organisation at the same time is pursuing policies that are obstructive to poverty alleviation. This is, for example, reflected in its lack of recognition of informal cross border traders. The thesis argues that one of the reasons explaining this is that SADC lacks an autonomous development strategy; its integration scheme is informed by the European model.

The Somalia-based militant group, Al Shabaab, has conducted mass casualty transnational terrorist attacks and has become a regional security threat. In an effort to uncover the best explanation of the drivers behind the group's use of transnational terror, a critical analysis of Rational Choice Theory, Spill-over Conflict Theory and Regional War Complex Theory was conducted. Evaluating each theory according to whether its assumptions held true, the theory offered a parsimonious explanation of Al Shabaab's use of transnational terror which could be supported by at least three types of evidence, the strengths and weaknesses of each theory, with regard to explaining Al Shabaab's transnational terror were identified. The findings showed that Al Shabaab as a transnational actor should not be seen as a linear transformation of the group, moving outwards from Somalia, but connected to an interlinked web between countries in the Horn of Africa, where domestic vulnerabilities such as political and socioeconomic marginalisation and a vulnerability to radicalisation allow for the cross-pollination of intent, and the capabilities to carry out attacks. As such, the regional and international interconnections captured by the Regional War Complex offered the best explanation of the drivers of Al Shabaab's use of transnational terror. Although Rational Choice Theory most clearly highlighted Al Shabaab's intent to transform from a domestic actor to a regional one, and the Spill-over Model showed that refugees could offer a recruitment source, it was the increased regional capabilities through the establishment of affiliates located outside of Somalia which gave the group the capacity to carry out transnational attacks and to operate as a transnational actor.

abstract: Scholarship offers several models to explain international norm development and global socio-political change. This research offers a comparative analysis between the tightly coupled Norm Life Cycle model and the loosely coupled Bee Swarm model from world polity theory. I critique the Norm Life Cycle model as having three problematic components 1) actor-centered, 2) historically narrow, and 3) linear. Using the anti-sex trafficking movement as a case study, this research finds that the loosely coupled perspective prevails. Pre-existing institutions created the environment for norm development processes. Institutional workspaces create the foundation for actors to act and come together. The Bee Swarm model is more inclusive and captures more nuanced aspects of social change. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Political Science 2020

This dissertation explores the impact of private capital flows on South Africa's developmental state agenda in the post-apartheid era. South Africa is one country that has set, beforehand, the objective to become a developmental state. However, the role of private capital flows as a factor that can determine the success, or the failure of that objective is largely missing from the debate about constructing the developmental state in South Africa. By exploring the impact of private capital flows, the study seeks to inform the reader about the nature and composition of private capital flows in South Africa as well as investigate whether these flows hinder or accelerate South Africa's developmental state objective. The study has utilized qualitative methods. It also made use of quantitative data as a secondary supplement to ensure a greater understanding of the research problem. In addition, the study has used the theory of financialization from Marxist Political Economy which posits that private capital flows are unproductive and merely interested in surplus accumulation without producing anything substantive in the long term. The research findings indicate that financial liberalization as a step that was taken by the democratic government to attract private capital flows has not been beneficial for South Africa's long term development as it allows capital flight and illicit financial flows. While South Africa did manage to attract private capital flows after liberalizing its capital account, these flows have been made up mainly of portfolio investments that do not contribute significantly to the productive sectors. Instead, portfolio investments drive excessive household debt, consumption and financial speculation. Moreover, private capital flows reinforce a non-developmental agenda by exacerbating the problem of unemployment, inequality, and poverty which are key developmental goals that South Africa seek to overcome through the developmental state. More importantly, South Africa's reliance on private capital flows constrain its economic policy choices and this, in turn, hinders an emergence of a developmental state.

This study examines the possible impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on economic development in Africa. Launched in October of 2013, the initiative was established to alleviate trade and investment bottlenecks between the more than 65 countries that are signed on to it as member states. In 2017, it became the centrepiece of China's foreign economic policy and the filter through which all of its commercial ties with external actors would be pursued, framed, or determined. It is expected that when fully operationalized, the initiative will restructure China's ties with other countries. The study analyses the possible repercussions of that restructuring, focusing on its relationship with Africa. Since consolidating their commercial relationship in the early 1990s, China has played a vital role in developing Africa's economy. With the operationalisation of the BRI, its capacity or interest to maintain that role will be modified. Depending on the changes that emerge, and given its deep economic reliance on Beijing, Africa must prepare for both positive and negative implications for its economies. The study examines these implications. It notes, among others, the upgrades Africa stands to gain to its industrial structure and business environment. It also highlights potential losses, including the hit that Africa's revenue earnings might take and the heightened competition that local industries will be exposed to because of the liberalisation that the BRI pursues. Ultimately, the study advises that what outcomes arise – be they positive or negative – will depend on how well or sufficiently the continent positions itself to moderate the negative impact of the BRI on its economies. In the concluding chapter, the study makes recommendations on how Africa might facilitate or magnify projected benefits stemming from the BRI.

What role does regional organisation play when peace and security is at stake in the region? Although several literatures on the Lesotho conflict of 1998 have been written, the intervention by Southern African Development Community does not answer the question if the intervention was carried out in compliance with the SADC Treaty and Protocols on Peace and Security. The effectiveness of a regional organisation in resolving conflicts, strengthens regionalism and create environment conducive for economic growth and political stability. While the Lesotho conflict in 1998 was resolved through the use of armed forces, it posed challenges for an empirical approach, in that regard the qualitative approach was followed to obtain information from the existing literature, journals and magazines on the conflict resolution and management. The Lesotho conflict of 1998 serves as a good case study to illustrate the role of SADC on peace and security and the impact on regional integration. In order to comprehend and make efficient analysis of the impact of the SADC interventions in the Lesotho conflict 1998, the theories and approaches that define the characteristics of actors and behavioural patterns leading to the integration while some might provide strategies for conflict resolution were considered. The discussion on normative and institutional framework of SADC on peace and security, serves as a platform to analyse the SADC's Organ on Politics, Defence, Security and Cooperation. The study further analyses the nature and the root causes of conflict and the role players such as the military forces from member states in conflict resolution and management. The study concludes that SADC's intervention in Lesotho conflict 1998 was without full mandate of member states as the decision was not recommended from the cluster Ministerial Committee to be approved by the Summit or the Organ on Troika. The armed forces that intervened were from South Africa and Botswana whose interest did not represent the region as whole. However, it is argued that when the state's peace and security is at stake, the choices are limited and therefore it could be justified to take any action to resolve the conflict without necessarily following all the procedures, and that simply justify the intervention by the South Africa National Defence Force in resolving the Lesotho conflict in 1998.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 72-81). / The study analyses the role of NGOs in rural community development in Africa, with a focus on Gwembe district in Zambia. The 1990s were a turning point in the development practices in Africa. This era saw the emergence of NGOs as a preferred mode of channeling development assistance by the donor community. NGOs were efficient, accountable, and closer to the people. They were able to make the communities own the development process. The state and its bureaucracy was vilified, demonised and condemned as incapable of service delivery to the rural poor. The study used World Vision International Zambia operations and interventions in the Gwembe District. It endeavored to assess the extent to which NGOs have lived up to the development promises of the 1990s. Key to the study was the investigation into whether the communities own the development projects. The study reviewed literature on the emergence of NGOs as important player in development in third world countries. In this review the study learned that the strengths of the NGOs was in that they were community focused, participatory, democratic, community oriented, cost effective and better at reaching the poorest. The major weaknesses of NGOs in Africa come from the fact they are dependent on donor money for their survival. They are a parasite to the poor. They do not care about the causes they champion. They produce low quality returns; they are engulfed in self-obfuscation, spin control and outright lying to justify their works. The NGOs are elite driven and do not care about the poor.