Includes bibliographical references (leaves. 100-108). / This paper assesses the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China, determining whether it is pursuing an agenda to fully integrate into the international political order, or whether its policy comprises of a tactical quest for super-power status; it concludes by making a tentative prediction as to the trajectory of China's foreign policy in the coming decades. Optimists maintain that China's formation of complex economic and political ties with regional and international countries will bring both prosperity and security in the region, claiming that China's foreign affairs will focus on the maintenance and protection of these relations, upholding the political status quo. Pessimists, conversely, assert that Beijing's policy of integration is part of a wider strategy designed to build national power to a system-contending level. To establish the nature of China's foreign policy, this paper looks at two opposing theories of international relations which describe both interpretations: Complex Interdependence (supporting the optimists' interpretation) and Realism (supporting the pessimists' interpretation). In Part One, it reviews the key theorists of the twentieth century; it concludes that the Realist principles of Robert Gilpin, and the Complex Interdependence principles of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, represent the most reliable tenets of each theory. Thus the theoretical framework of the paper rests on the principles of these two interpretations of the Realist and Complex Interdependence theories. In Part Two of the paper, four indicators of China's foreign policy are assessed: 1. China in the World Economy; 2. China's International and Regional Relations; 3. China's National Defence; 4. China's Domestic Policy and Internal Characteristics. Each indicator is then analysed by applying the theories of Complex Interdependence and Realism to the data. The paper concludes by amalgamating the analyses of each indicator, making an overall assessment as to whether the theory of Realism or Complex Interdependence.

In this dissertation I critically engage with Alex De Waal’s understanding of the nature of legitimacy in the Horn of Africa and the concept he formulates to understand it and explain political behaviour in the Horn: the political marketplace. Through this process of critical engagement, I clarify the concept and make it more useful by embedding it within the social and religious realities of the Horn, which results in a reconceptualisation of the concept, which I call the political bazaar. This reworked concept is then used in conjunction with Talal Asad’s discursive tradition of Sunni Islam and Peter Ekeh’s primordial public to more parsimoniously, accurately and comprehensively conceptualise legitimacy in the Horn and explain why its pervasive political behaviour is bargaining. Ultimately, I attempt to both abide by Raymond Geuss’s first thesis: ‘Don’t look at just what they say, think, believe, but at what they actually do, and what actually happens as a result’, 1 and heed the warning he gives: ‘It is no sign of gimlet-eyed realism to deny the enormous real significance of religious practices, beliefs and institutions in the world, past and present, but rather a sign of simple blindness.’2

UN peace mission personnel sexual misconduct against women violates international norms and law, and persists despite the multitude of interventions aimed at combatting it. South African personnel have repeatedly been identified as perpetrators which calls into question whether the norms that prohibit such conduct have been internalised. Insufficient research has been conducted to interpret the relationships between the political dynamics of UN peace missions and the international norms that govern appropriate conduct towards women. By using a Constructivist lens to examine the mechanisms behind Norm Internalisation, and by analysing how this applies to South African personnel, this research identifies some of the reasons why South Africa’s apparent commitment to international norms about women does not always result in appropriate behaviour. The research examines the UN’s zero-tolerance policy and South Africa’s compliance therewith, demonstrating the challenges that the political dynamics between these two actors has in achieving Norm Internalisation. This research provides a foundation for future research on the topic of peacekeeper sexual misconduct by highlighting the role that norms can play in determining appropriate behaviour.

This study examined the main strategies adopted by the Angolan government in its post-conflict reconstruction efforts, and the extent to which these efforts have promoted durable peace in the country. The number of post-conflict countries on the continent is increasing, with 16 African countries already in the process of implementing peace agreements signed during the last decade. With research showing that up to 50 percent of post-conflict countries relapse into violent conflict within five to 10 years of signing a peace agreement, implementing practical and effective strategies to prevent a return to conflict becomes imperative. In the light of the limited experience of African countries in post-conflict situations, Angola presented an interesting case study. The oil and diamond rich country, emerging in 2002 from over 40 years of conflict, has been able to develop its own homegrown post-conflict reconstruction strategies. Notable progress in addressing some of its short-term post-conflict reconstruction priorities include, the successful resettlement of an estimated four million internally displaced persons (IDPs), and reintegrating more than half a million refugees and over 100 000 ex-combatants, into Angolan society. Progress in the areas of de-mining, as well as the rehabilitation of physical infrastructure, and increased enrolment in primary school education are other significant achievements. It is noteworthy that the Angolan government has, despite a lack of major international funding and overseas development assistance, been able to finance the majority of the expenses required for the country's reconstruction and re-Iaunching of the national economy. Importantly, the government's efforts have had some assistance in the form of oil-backed loans from China. Despite notable progress, such as the country's rapid economic growth, and being ranked 59th among the world's economies, Angola remains one of the most badly governed, corrupt, and unequal societies in the world. Credible improvements in the areas of good governance, socio-economic development, especially basic service delivery, and a more even distribution of the benefits of the country's oil wealth are vital in order to deliver significant peace dividends to the majority of the Angolan population. Making these improvements will be vital, and will influence considerably whether the country's post-conflict reconstruction efforts are ultimately successful.

This study investigates the deepening relations between Argentina and Southern Africa with specific reference to Angola and Mozambique. The enquiry notes the early years of the 2000s as the turning point that saw a sea change in Argentina‟s foreign policy towards these two countries. From nearly non-existent bilateral relations to concerted efforts to strengthen economic ties with the two Southern African countries by Argentina, these changes in Argentina‟s foreign policy are compelling for consideration as subjects of academic enquiry. The study seeks to understand the key motivations behind this new approach in Argentina‟s foreign policy, and using a case study approach, the study delves into the historical developments and other politically significant sequences of events in each of the two African countries in question to account for said foreign policy changes. As a theory of international relations, realism serves as a key anchor of this study, providing a magnifying lens that allows us to uncover economic considerations to be the key motivating factors behind Argentina‟s foreign policy. Despite Angola and Mozambique being endowed with natural resources, which provides a natural allure for countries such as Argentina to want to exploit, trade remains the key pillar of bilateral economic relations between Argentina and the two Southern African countries. These have been blossoming and reaching new heights. All this was facilitated by political stability in the two countries following a long period of civil wars that left the economies of Mozambique and Angola in deprived and crippled economic conditions.

The First Liberian Civil War began with an insurgency led by Charles Taylor on Christmas Eve in 1989. At the time, the company Firestone Liberia (one of many of the subsidiaries of the multinational, Bridgestone Corporation) had been operating the world’s largest rubber plantation in Liberia’s Margibi County for over six decades. Over the course of three years, Firestone engaged with various actors in the Liberian conflict theatre in order to continue operating its rubber plantation. The most notable of these actors was the warlord, Charles Taylor, a relationship for which Firestone Liberia has received much criticism. This case study is situated within the broader debate on the role of multinational corporations in host countries that descend into conflict. The existing literature on the topic exposes a potentially ambivalent role for private actors as either catalysts for aggravating conflict dynamics or promoters of peace within conflict zones. This research contends that insufficient attention has been paid to understanding the minutiae of corporate behaviour in contemporary conflict and that more in-depth low-n case studies are required before prescribing a positive role for companies in conflict zones. The findings of this paper reveal the importance of accounting for variables, such as conflict characteristics and geo-economic and geopolitical conditions, and how these limit the agency of private actors in situations of violent conflict.

This thesis enquires into the collective violence against foreigners in South Africa in April 2015. The aim of the study is to investigate the manner in which the media framed the attacks, and to analyse how both victims and perpetrators were presented in news articles. The research process utilised in this study is qualitative content analysis, and the study analyses 68 articles by six online news publications between the 13th and the 21st of April 2015. The thesis determines that the Daily Sun, News24, Independent Online (IOL News), Eyewitness News (EWN), Mail & Guardian, and the Daily Maverick presented both balanced and biased content between the 13th and 21st of April 2015. There was a great variety in how objectively the online news publications framed immigrants. Several online news publications included numerous sources and counter-arguments, while others did not. The Mail & Guardian and the Daily Maverick presented the most in-depth coverage of the violence, while the Daily Sun, News24, Independent Online (IOL News), and Eyewitness News (EWN) uncritically reproduced xenophobic language and statements during the attacks.

Scholars of economic interdependence argue that economic trade will diminish the longstanding disputes and rivalry, if any, leading nations to closer cooperation. However, this argument has failed to exhibit any validity in the case of Indo-China relations. Historically, the Sino-India relationship has been based as a love-hate relationship. Liberal scholars and reputable economists predict that the future of their relationship will be based on cooperation. But in reality, such a relationship has failed to manifest. Instead, both nations— despite the friendly rhetoric —view each other as rivals, if not enemies. This thesis will concentrate on exploring whether the economic interdependence argument holds true. To support their increasing bilateral economic cooperation, I used sources from India, China, and international economic institutions. I examine whether the increasing economic cooperation in the form of bilateral trade has reduced the undying border disputes and enduring rivalry associated with such disputes. After studying the unresolved border disputes, increase in the military buildup by both the sides, and misperception of each other in their actions, one can argue that Sino-India relations have the case of enduring rivalry, and it has never ended despite the increasingly closer economic cooperation. For that purpose, I explore the substantial literature from the Western, Indian and Chinese research institutions and academic scholars. Further, I research the perception of the leadership and strategic community in both India and China. Furthermore, both the nations have developed strategies to contain the influence of each other in their respective regions. Thus, bilateral trade between them has neither created closer cooperation as one might expect, nor reduced the security dilemma associated with power politics. Considering such a condition, this work expects that the future of Indo-China cooperation will more likely an enduring rivalry and be characterized by a security dilemma negating any influence of economic cooperation. In other words, the outlook of their relationship will more likely be conflictual based on power politics. / A Thesis submitted to the Program in International Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science. / Spring Semester 2016. / April 15, 2016. / Includes bibliographical references. / Dale Smith, Professor Directing Thesis; Mark Souva, Committee Member; Michael Creswell, Committee Member.

This dissertation reexamines the negotiation process mediated by the U.S. that occurred between parties representing Angola, Cuba, Namibia, and South Africa during the 1980's. It presents the U.S. policy of constructive engagement ('81- '89) as a contributing factor in the mitigation of regional conflicts in Southern Africa. It reexamines whether the guiding principles of the mediation strategy effectively led to the Cuban withdrawal from Angola and the independence of Namibia. In addition, it looks at how constructive engagement created a regional climate for peace through the mitigation of these interconnected conflicts which significantly contributed to South Africa's transition away from apartheid. The central question of the dissertation is, did constructive engagement foster a regional climate for peace in Southern Africa, defined by the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, the independence of Namibia, and a path towards South African democratization? There are three sub questions: (I) what were constructive engagements techniques and guiding principles? (II) why did the Reagan administration pursue the strategy; and (III) was constructive engagement a successful international conflict mediation strategy? To answer these questions, this dissertation will employ relevant literature to produce general principles of constructive engagement. It will use William Zartman and Saadi Touval's classifications of third-party mediators in international conflict in addition to Vincente Tome's staged model of the negotiation process. In this respect, this dissertation is an interpretative case study. This dissertation argues that constructive engagement is an effective conflict mediation strategy that made a significant impact on the propensity for peace in Southern Africa on several fronts. It aims is to reconsider the overwhelmingly negative opinion of U.S. intervention in Southern Africa throughout international relations discourse. It produces a piece of literature that explores the positive impact of the mediation strategy of constructive engagement as a driver for Southern African regional peace and subsequently a contributing factor in the end of apartheid.

This dissertation offers a policy analysis of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The analysis aims to assess the prospects and challenges for implementation of the AfCFTA, and thereby to contribute to research on trade and regional integration in Africa and International Political Economy (IPE) theory testing. Throughout, emphasis is placed on the critical importance of both economic and political aspects of regional integration, which are often de-emphasised in conventional theoretical standpoints. The analysis highlights the need to avoid pursuing solely economic or political policy implementation and integration in order to achieve successful outcomes from the AfCFTA. Quintessential debates in regional theory are outlined. An analysis of the Eurocentric founding literature is undertaken, from which the origins of the false distinction between the state and the market in regional integration literature is identified. In the wake of the deficient explanatory capacity of European integration theories for African regionalism, alternate and more contemporary theoretical approaches are outlined, drawing from literature focussing on theories of new regionalism and the historical development of African regionalism. The slowing of regional integration globally, as well as the limited success of several aspects of Africa's overlapping Regional Economic Communities suggest that economic integration can only be sustained in environments where active political participation co-functions with successfully managed market integration. Thus, a political economy approach to the analysis and implementation of the AfCFTA is emphasised, in order to ensure both states and markets are incorporated into the regional integration literature. Research methods utilised include a review of regional integration literature, analysis of relevant macroeconomic data relating to international trade in Africa, a review of AfCFTA legal and policy documents, as well as situating the study within the wider theoretical body of regional integration literature and IPE. The analysis showed that despite critical challenges relating to implementation and coordination, the AfCFTA has significant potential benefits. It is concluded that a political economy approach to implementation would enhance the longterm prospects for regional integration in Africa and the AfCFTA specifically, by ensuring stakeholders in the political and economic spheres link their goals and methods of implementation to formulate long-term institutions for growth.