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This qualitative sociolinguistic study focuses on the contemporary usage of metaphor in religious speech among North American Quakers of the Religious of Society of Friends with a particular emphasis on the two historical metaphors of Light and Dark. Beginning with the 20th century, a diverse religious population has been steadily arising in Quaker meetings including many non-Christians. Individual American Quakers are currently choosing a variety of spiritual and/or religious identities and practices ranging from Evangelical or mystical forms of Christianity to Neo-paganism and Non-theism. Thus, the traditional meanings of these metaphors, which were rooted in biblical passages, are changing. This study is based primarily upon six in-depth interviews which provide a sample of a variety of religious viewpoints on the experiential usage of the metaphors of Light and Dark to embody spiritual feelings in worship. These two metaphors are embedded in many religious practices making them central to religious experience. Although Critical Discourse Analysis is used as the primary lens for investigation, the theories of Sapir, Whorf, Lakoff and Johnson also provide an additional basis for analysis. Additionally, a corpus which demonstrates collocations of the metaphors of Light and Dark has been created from archives of Early Friends' journals of the 17th century and compared to the writings of contemporary American Quakers.

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In the presented thesis the author analyses the possible influence of the membership of judges in political parties, churches, and religious societies, on independence and impartiality. On one side, there stands a political orientation and expression of political opinions, which is quite significantly repressed in the Czech Republic for all the judges. On top, the draft of the amendment of the Courts and Judges Act presently discussed in the Parliament includes a prohibition of membership of judges in political parties. On the other side, there stands a religious belief and a membership of a judge in a church and in a religious society that does not raise nearly any doubts about judges' independence and impartiality. That is why the author has decided to analyze both of the memberships together in the presented thesis and compare them to each other. The thesis itself is systematically written in eight parts which are divided into chapters and subchapters. In the beginning, the reader is introduced to the basic terms - independence and impartiality of judges. Then the author continues presenting rules of judicial ethics that aim to upheld independence and impartiality. Consequently, the author analyses the influence of political orientation and religious belief on judges' decision making. Generally...

The objective of the thesis is an analysis, description and subsequent comparison of different aspects in relationships between the founders and the headmasters of primary schools, and subsequently a presentation of possible differences and similarities in these relationships in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia, in both legal and non-legal framework; and a description of the real situation of these relationships more than 20 years after the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. The starting point for the research are relevant legal regulations, such as acts of parliament, delegated legislation and specific legal and other documents concerning founders of private and denominational schools. The Czech and Slovak educational systems had the same development since the foundation of Czechoslovakia in 1918. After the dissolution of Czechoslovak federation the development and changes in Czech and Slovak educational systems had a different, separate development. The relationship between the school founder and its headmaster has significant influence on the school activities and direction. The thesis describes similarities and differences in these relationships in both countries and points out possibilities for mutual inspirations.

Dans un essai qui aurait tout aussi bien pu s'intituler « L'islam chiite entre la politique et la religion, le cas du Liban », une analyse de l'islam politique demeure nécessaire pour mettre la lumière sur la différence entre islamisme et religion musulmane. Avec un peu moins de deux milliards de musulmans dans le monde, la religion musulmane est devenue la première religion pratiquée dans le monde actuel. Le dynamique de cette religion a permis la création d'un immense empire aux populations hétérogènes. Ainsi que, la coexistence entre religion et régime politique a provoquée de véritables luttes armées entre les grandes familles politico-religieuses, notamment le sunnisme et le chiisme. Le sunnisme ayant souvent l'étiquette d'orthodoxie a gardé cette aspect alors que le chiisme devint autres chose ce qu'il était à l'origine, lorsqu'on y voyait seulement le parti qui s'était rassemblé autour d'Ali ibn Abî Tâlib, cousin et gendre du prophète Mohammad. Dans ses quelques traitements de la doctrine islamique nous constatons que ces familles politico-religieuses, tant sunnites que chiites, proliférèrent les unes à côté des autres en même temps qu'elles se combattirent et souvent se condamnèrent réciproquement. Ceci est dû au fait qu'en l'islam, il n'y a jamais eu de pouvoir interprétatif qualifié, individuel ou collégial capable de s'imposer sans conteste.L'effondrement de l'Empire Ottoman donna l'occasion à la France et la Grande-Bretagne de partager le monde arabe sur la base des fameux accords Sykes-picot. La France va restructurer les territoires syrien et libanais, elle établit la structure constitutionnelle confessionnelle complexe du Liban, faisant du pays de Cèdre le plus grand laboratoire du communautarisme. Dans le Liban d'après-guerre, le communautarisme va de soi, il reflète l'état de la société et celle de la conciliation entre spécificités confessionnelle et principe fondamental de l'Etat nation. Le communautarisme libanais va évoluer à travers des mutations économiques, sociales et politiques, notamment chez la communauté chiite. Nous présenterons l'évolution de la communauté chiite dans cet environnement, ainsi que le rôle fondamental joué par Moussa el-Sadr dans la libération de la communauté chiite. Son objectif étant une réaction à la conscience politique du «Metwali». Sa première action était la lutte contre les inégalités sociales et devait s'engager avec l'Etat libanais dans une série d'affrontements qui couvraient souvent un aspect spectaculaire: grève générale en 1970, avertissement au gouvernement et à la réunion de 1974 à Baalbeck que Moussa-El -Sadr a annoncé la naissance du mouvement AMAL. Ce mouvement joue un rôle essentiel dans la vie politique libanaise. Enfin, nous consacrons une partie de ce travail à l'émergence d'une milice radicale pro-iranienne chiite, le Hezbollah, qui a pénétré le système politique libanais. Sa place est privilégiée à cause de ses succès dans la résistance contre Israël, de ses actions sociales et humaines et de ses organisations. La timide participation du « parti de Dieu » au parlement libanais constituait un premier pas vers la « libanisation » du parti. En 2012, le parti chiite annonce sa participation aux combats en Syrie à côté de l'armée de Bachar el-Assad, freinant ainsi le processus de libanisation. Le Hezbollah devient un des acteurs incontournables de la géopolitique du Moyen Orient et retourne en force sur la scène politique libanaise pour s'inscrire dans le cadre d'un chiisme politique international. / In an essay that might as well have been entitled "Shia Islam between politics and religion, the case of Lebanon", an analysis of political Islam remains necessary to shed light on the difference between Islamism and religion Muslim. With just under two billion Muslims in the world, the Muslim religion has become the first religion practiced in the world today.The dynamics of this religion allowed the creation of an immense empire with heterogeneous populations. As well as, the coexistence between religion and political regime provoked real armed struggles between the big politico-religious families, notably Sunnism and Shiism.Sunnism often had the label of orthodoxy, but Shiism became something else that it was originally when one saw only the party that had gathered around Ali ibn Abi. Tâlib, cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Mohammad. In his few treatments of Islamic doctrine we find that these politico-religious families, both Sunni and Shiite, proliferated alongside each other at the same time that they fought each other and often condemned each other. This is due to the fact that in Islam there has never been a qualified, individual or collegiate interpretative power capable of imposing itself unquestionably.The collapse of the Ottoman Empire gave France and Britain the opportunity to share the Arab world on the basis of the famous Sykes-picot agreements. France will restructure the Syrian and Lebanese territories, it establishes the complex confessional constitutional structure of Lebanon, making the country of Cedar the largest laboratory of communitarianism. In post-war Lebanon, communitarianism is self-evident, reflecting the state of society and the reconciliation of confessional specificities with the fundamental principle of the nation-state. Lebanese communitarianism will evolve through economic, social and political changes, especially among the Shia community.We will present the evolution of the Shiite community in this environment, as well as the fundamental role played by Moussa el-Sadr in the liberation of the Shia community. His goal is a reaction to the political conscience of "Metwali". Its first action was the fight against social inequalities and was to engage with the Lebanese State in a series of clashes that often covered a spectacular aspect: general strike in 1970, warning to the government and to the 1974 meeting in Baalbeck that Moussa-El -Sadr announced the birth of the AMAL movement. This movement plays a vital role in Lebanese politics. Finally, we devote part of this work to the emergence of a radical pro-Iranian Shiite militia, Hezbollah, which has penetrated the Lebanese political system. His place is privileged because of his successes in the resistance against Israel, his social and human actions and his organizations. The timid participation of the "party of God" in the Lebanese parliament was a first step towards the "libanization" of the party. In 2012, the Shiite party announced its participation in the fighting in Syria next to the army of Bashar al-Assad, thus curbing the process of Lebanization. Hezbollah becomes one of the key players in the geopolitics of the Middle East and returns in force on the Lebanese political scene to be part of an international political Shiism.