The Master's degrese thesis analyse the institute representation in the civil materiál law. It characterises representation globally and tries to digestedly make general scheme which is made on the basis of the legal regulations and second bibliography. The representation in the civil material law could be resolve into the different subsets according to the various conditions. On of the possible ways of the dividing is direct and indirect representation. Indirect representation could be defined as acting of the representant in his own name on behalf of the represented person. Direct representation is acting of the representant in the name of the reperesented person and on its behalf. The rights and the duties come up directly for the represented person. The representation in the civil material law is divided into the contracting representation and the legal representation. The legal representation originated directly in the law or on the basis of the decision of the state power body. The example of the representation which results from the law is the representation of the underages because they do not have full legal status. The legal representation which is result of the decision of the state power body is called also tutelage. The tutelage is possible for he underage persons but also for the...

This paper is dealing with media reflection (manipulative activity that is trying affect form of media texts for its own profit) which is manifesting itself in representative selection of audiovisual works. This has arisen in period from second half of the ninetieth years of 20th century to present day (namely: movies Wag the Dog, Thank You for Smoking and serial House of Cards). This paper assumes that through the analysis of this reflection is possible to learn how knowledge of possible influence of spin doctoring effects interpretation activity of audience and whole media communication. In opening, there is a definition of spin doctoring, brief outline for its history and examination of its contact points with a propaganda. After that there is narrative analysis of selected audiovisual works, comparison of spin doctor strategies in movies with existing methods of public relation and examples of manipulative influences. After that there is breakdown of media reflection of spin doctoring from position of three different theories of representation and final topic of influence of a semiotic power on form of interpretation which anticipates manipulative technologies.

L’origine des revendications de la Couronne d’Aragon sur la Corse remontent à 1297 lorsque le pape Boniface VIII, qui veut se concilier l’alliance du roi d’Aragon Jacques II, lui donne en fief le royaume de Sardaigne et de Corse, constitué pour l’occasion. Il revient au roi de transformer cette inféodation nominale en domination effective. Durant la première moitié du XIVe siècle, les Catalano-aragonais concentrent leurs efforts sur la Sardaigne mais peinent à s’imposer en Corse où la Commune de Gênes dispose déjà de points d’appui puissants. Les Corses, pris dans ce conflit entre grandes puissances méditerranéennes, ne s’engagent que prudemment pour l’un ou l’autre parti. Les seigneurs insulaires tissent d’abord des liens entre ces suzerains antagonistes, pour tenter de favoriser leurs propres seigneuries. La situation change radicalement après 1358. Les peuples de Corse mènent une vaste révolte anti-seigneuriale et obtiennent l’aide de la Commune de Gênes, qui prend le contrôle du nord de l’île devenu Terra del Comune. Rejetant cette légitimité populaire et génoise, des barons Cinarchesi du sud parviennent à reconstituer leurs seigneuries avec l’aide du roi d’Aragon, ennemi de Gênes et suzerain féodal légitime. L’alliance aragonaise change alors de nature : née d’une convention diplomatique entre puissances extérieures, elle devient un enjeu interne à la Corse. Des seigneurs corses, comme Arrigo della Rocca ou Vincentello d’Istria, s’imposent comme chefs d’un parti royal opposé à Gênes et bénéficient de l’aide de leur suzerain. Pour eux cette l’alliance est aussi un atout dans leur projet de se constituer une seigneurie unique de Corse. L’île devient le champ d’affrontement de projets politiques concurrents, par lesquels chaque protagoniste, local ou extérieur, affirme sa légitimité à gouverner. Étudier les liens qui se sont tissés, du XIIIe au XVe siècle, entre les Corses et la Couronne d’Aragon revient à associer deux grilles d’analyse : une grille méditerranéenne, qui intègre la Corse dans le vaste conflit entre Gênes et l’Aragon, avec pour objectif de comprendre la nature du projet politique de la Couronne d’Aragon en Corse, et une grille locale qui se préoccupe de la façon dont les Corses ont intégrés le fait aragonais. On peut alors appréhender les particularismes et les évolutions de la culture politique corse, autour des thèmes de la légitimité du pouvoir et sa représentation. Mes recherches s’appuient essentiellement sur le fonds de l’Archivo de la Corona de Aragón à Barcelone, encore peu exploité pour la Corse, et particulièrement sur les registres de la Cancilleria real. Les documents aragonais sont confrontés aux chroniques corses, italiennes et catalanes, ainsi qu’aux documents de l’Archivio di Stato di Genova, afin de multiplier les angles d’approche et les échelles d’analyse. / The claims of the Crown of Aragon on Corsica go back to 1297, the year Pope Boniface VIII, eager to form an alliance with King James II of Aragon, bestowed on him the opportunely-created Kingdom of Sardinia and Corsica. It was for the King to turn this theoretical allegiance into an effective domination. During the first half of the XIV Century, the Catalan-Aragonese concentrated their efforts on Sardinia but found it hard to impose their rule on Corsica, where the Commune of Genoa already had many strongholds. Corsicans, caught in the midst of this conflict opposing two great Mediterranean powers, were careful not to choose sides hastily. The lords of the island first made alliances with those rival suzerains, in an attempt to favour their own seigneuries. The situation changed radically after 1358, when the Corsican peoples rebelled against their lords and obtained the help of the Commune of Genoa, which then took the control of Northern Corsica, now “Terra del Commune”.Rejecting this popular – and Genovese- legitimacy, some “Cinarchesi” barons succeeded in reconquering their Southern seigneuries, with the help of the King of Aragon, the enemy of Genoa and lawful suzerain. This changed the very nature of the Aragonese alliance – initially meant as a diplomatic covenant between two foreign powers, it now became a major issue inside Corsican society. Corsican lords, such as Arrigo della Rocca or Vincentellod’Istria, emerged as leaders of a royalist party, opposed to Genoa and benefitting from the help of the Crown of Aragon. For them, the alliance was also an asset in their own plan to turn Corsica into one single seigneury. The island became the scene of many a clash between competitive political agendas, in which each player – both local and foreign, tried to assert its claim to rule Corsica.Studying the ties formed between Corsicans and the Crown of Aragon from the XIII Century to the XV Century amounts to analyzing the situation from two perspectives – a Mediterranean one, which comprehends Corsica in the vast conflict between Genoa and Aragon and aims to understand the nature of the political plan of the Crown of Aragon as regarded Corsica, and a local one, which focuses on the extent to which Corsicans absorbed the Aragonese reality. The latter perspective highlights the specificities and evolutions of Corsican political culture and, in particular, issues such as the legitimacy of power and its representation.My research is, for the most part, based on documents from theArchivo de la Corona de Aragón in Barcelona, so far hardly exploited as regards Corsica, and in particular on the registers of the Cancilleria Real. Aragonese sources are confronted with Corsican, Italian and Catalan chronicles, as well as with the documents from the Archivio di Stato di Genova, in order to present as many different perspectives and axes of study as possible.

A reflective essay to accompany the thesis exhibition, the Wanderer, installed in the Gordon Snelgrove Gallery, 2013. An exploration of the questions and concepts informing the process of developing and refining the visual vocabulary of my practice. Images of women, topographical maps, floral imagery and astronomical maps provide the vocabulary of the language and syntax that I am developing to enunciate the interrelationships between the construction of self and lived experience, with concepts of identity, body and gesture, history and place.

Bien que l’œuvre « mal connu[e] » du poète Yves Boisvert (1950-2012) soit souvent, selon Thierry Bissonnette, limitée à « ses contenus à teneur ouvertement politique » (2016), force est de constater qu’aucune étude de fond n’a été consacrée à la représentation du pouvoir politique (l’État, ses agents et ses institutions) dans sa poésie, un élément social pourtant thématisé de façon systématique par le poète et intimement lié à plusieurs traits importants de son écriture. Le présent mémoire se penchera sur cette question indispensable à une compréhension approfondie de l’œuvre poétique de Boisvert. Comment le poète représente-t-il le pouvoir politique dans son œuvre ? Que révèle le traitement réservé à ce thème sur sa démarche d’écriture et la fonction qu’il accorde à la poésie ? La transposition poétique de cette réalité sociale a-t-elle une dimension critique ? L’étude de deux recueils contrastés, soit Les amateurs de sentiments (1989) et Bang ! (2002), à partir d’une perspective sociocritique conjuguant rhétorique, analyse du discours et certains éléments du concept d’« imaginaire social » redéfini par Pierre Popovic (2011), révélera que l’œuvre poétique d’Yves Boisvert donne à voir, sous la fiction de la paix sociale entretenue par l’ordre politique, le caractère belliqueux de la socialité, c’est-à-dire, comme l’explique Michel Foucault dans son cours « Il faut défendre la société », la guerre qui constitue « le fond ineffaçable de tous les rapports et de toutes les institutions de pouvoir » (2012). Le passage de l’ironie mortifiée des Amateurs de sentiments, confrontée à un pouvoir d’autant plus maléfique qu’il est insaisissable, au discours « métadictatorial » de Bang !, désinvolte et violent face à des gouvernements fragiles, permet de comprendre le parcours d’écriture de Boisvert comme une entreprise de bellicisation du discours poétique s’étendant de la lâcheté sentimentale à l’héroïsme guerrier. / Although the “not well known” works of poet Yves Boisvert (1950-2012) are often, according to Thierry Bissonnette, limited to their “openly political-oriented contents” (2016; I translate), one have to admit that no in-depth study has been devoted to the representation of political power (the state, its agents and its institutions) in his poetry, a social element that is systematically referred to by the poet and closely related to several characteristic traits of his writing. This master’s thesis will look into this essential question for a thorough understanding of Boisvert’s poetic works. How does the poet depict political power in his works? What does the treatment given to this theme reveal about his approach to writing and the function that he attaches to poetry? Does the poetical transposition of this social reality have a critical dimension? The study of two contrasting books, that is to say Les amateurs de sentiments (1989) and Bang! (2002), from a sociocritical perspective combining rhetoric, discourse analysis and some elements of Pierre Popovic’s “imaginaire social” redefined concept, will reveal that Yves Boisvert’s poetic works show, beneath the fiction of social peace maintained by the political order, the bellicose nature of sociality, that is, as Michel Foucault explains in his series of lectures called “Society Must Be Defended”, the war that constitutes “the ineffaceable background of all the power relationships and institutions” (2012; I translate). The change from Les amateurs de sentiments’s mortified irony, confronted with a power all the more evil since it is elusive, to Bang!’s “metadictatorial” discourse, casual and violent in front of fragile governments, allow to understand Boisvert’s writing route as a bellicization undertaking of the poetic language that goes from sentimental cowardice to warlike heroism.