This dissertation explores the rise of transnational state torture and the efforts of the Left to resist and denounce it in South America in the 1970s. Looking principally to Brazil and Argentina, I ask how torture was understood by the officials who employed it and the revolutionaries who resisted and denounced it at a time when such calibrated violence stood at the heart of political struggle. While torture’s status as a grave violation of human rights is often taken for granted today, I show that in 1970s-era southern South America, many perpetrators and victims alike instead regarded torture as a powerful counterrevolutionary weapon, one capable of generating the raw data on which the region’s sophisticated information-management systems relied. At the same time, both revolutionaries and regime agents recognized such systematic torture as a grave liability for its practitioners. Militants and their allies abroad capitalized on this liability by disseminating testimonies that drew the world’s attention to South American torture chambers. Their efforts helped to consolidate the politics of bodily integrity at the heart of the current global human rights regime, yet they were unable to curb state violence or advance socialism. Drawing on dozens of archival collections from ten countries, I reconstruct the now-forgotten meanings of torture that defined this formative juncture, demonstrating the potential of history to reinvigorate a policy debate centered for too long on the question, “Does torture work?” Instead, I ask readers to consider the work that torture and its denunciation have performed at a critical moment in the past, in order to generate new strategies to counteract it today.

Establishment of libraries and schools was initially the core activity of the revolutionaries in Macao; and modernized Cantonese dramas were used as a means to promote the idea of overthrowing the Qing Dynasty. Whilst local residents were barely enlightened by such effort, members of Chinese United League initiated a military force in Macao to invade Shiqi and successfully took over Xiguan, respectively in the vicinity of and in Guangzhou, in November of 1911. / In the 1920's, led by Sun Yat-sen, the military government of Guangzhou provided armed support to the Chinese labors in Macao and sent battleships to garrison duty in the inner harbor in preparation of reclaiming the territory in 1922. Such effort, however, was put to a halt when the Presidential Palace was bombarded by an army headed by Chen Jionming. / Since the "Nationalist revolution" (Guomin geming) concept got its first hearing in the Revolutionary Tactics of Chinese United League (Tongmeng hui Geming Fanglue), it became a popular slogan used by revolutionaries from early 1900's to mid-1920's. During the period, South China region was the hub of revolutionary movement; and, with its colonial identity, Macao played a unique role in it. / Subsequent to establishment of the Republic of China, a significant number of members of the Chinese Revolutionary Party (Zhonghua Gemingdang) fled to Macao to pursue the anti-Yuan Shikai movement. With the major revolutionaries being closely watched over and suppressed by the Macao Portuguese government as well as the warlord administration in Guangdong, most of the military uprisings planned in Macao eventually came to failure. / When the First United Front of the Chinese Nationalist Party and the Communist Party of China was formed, members of both parties arrived at Macao to support the Guangzhou-Hong Kong General Strike of 1925 as well as to plan for a strike in Macao. However, due to the struggle between the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party and subsequent Northern Expedition, Macao's role in the "Nationalist revolution" diminished and finally came to an end in 1926. / 何偉傑. / Adviser: Choi Chi Cheung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 71-01, Section: A, page: 0291. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong,2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 293-342). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / He Weijie.

James Connolly (1868-1916), Socialist leader, labour union organiser and Irish Republican general, pursued an active career of over thirtyfive years duration in left-wing politics during the period of the Second International. During this time, he played an influential role in the Social Democratic and Labour movements in Ireland, Scotland and the United States. This stuy examines his relationships with the activists and organisations of left-wing labour in Scotland in the period 1890-1916 and moreover, seeks to establish his significance as a "Marxian Syndicalist"; an activist working in a Marxist tradition distinct from both the state socialism of the Social Democratic International and the Marxism - Leninism of the Comintern. Connolly's formative years in the Social Democratic and labour movements of his native Edinburgh (1890-96) are examined in some detail, and an attempt is made to delineate some characteristics both of the mainstream of British Marxism and of the uniqueness of the situation in Edinburgh, which were important for his personal development. Subsequently, his importance in the secession of the Scottish 'impossibilist' faction from the all-British Marxist movement in 1902-3 is analysed. At this point, there is some emphasis on the theories of the Alrerican Marxist, Daniel De Leon, and of their importance both in Connolly's further theoretical development and of the Scottish Left generally. The American contribution to Connolly's thought - and his mature response to it - is then followed up, some consideration being given to his work in the American socialist movement in 1903-10. In the light of this experience, Connolly's further influence on Scottish leftwing labour in the period 1910-15 is traced; particular emphasis is laid on the Syndicalist elements in his thought and on the Scottish responses to it. Finally, there is some discussion of the relationship between the themes of Nationalism, Marxism and Syndicalism within the history of the Scottish Left in the period 1890-1920, and the concrete failure of Marxism within the Scottish working class movement is assessed against the background of the manifest advances of the nontheoretical parliamentary Labour Party.

No description available.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Heidelberg, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1998. / Appendices in English and Spanish. Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-255). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1998. / Appendices in English and Spanish. Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-255). Also available on the Internet.

No description available.

The purpose of this thesis was to come to a better understanding of the American mind at the time of the Revolution through biography. Through the use of primary and secondary sources, John and Samuel Adams were used as case studies. John represented the faction in favor of a rigid hierarchy and a natural aristocracy. Samuel represented the artisans and farmers who were fighting for democracy and equality in government. The thesis also discussed the differences between the Adams chapter two, the cousins' backgrounds and respective involvement in the Revolution were discussed. Chapter three was a discussion of the similarities between the Adams cousins. In chapter four, the fundamental differences between John and Samuel were discussed, differences that became apparent during the revolution. cousins and the men they represented. Ultimately by 1800, the new nation had left the cousins behind. The thesis concluded that the Adamses made massive contributions to the revolution, reflecting the eighteenth century American mind and contributing to the establishment of our ultimate form of government. / Department of History

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 178-191).