The thesis which follows is, as the title suggests, a general study of the Right in Spain from the beginning of the Second Republic in April 1931 until the outbreak of the Civil War in July 1936. Pride of place has been given to the <u>CEDA</u> (and its antecedents <u>Acción Nacional</u> and <u>Acción Popular</u>) because this was the biggest and most important of the parties of the Right during the Republic. The terra 'Right' has been taken to signify those parties which did not proclaim themselves Republican, i.e. principally the Catholic CEDA, the Monarchist groups and the 'Fascist' <u>Falonge</u>. Consideration has also been given to two important institutions usually believed to be 'on the Right': the Church and the Army. Although some information on the Right has appeared in various books, no attempt at a comprehensive study has hitherto been made. Galindo Herrero's <u>Los partidos monárquicos bajo la aegunda República</u> (1936) deals inadequately with the Monarchist parties. Professor Payne'a study of the <u>Falange</u> does not satisfactorily place the movement in the context of the other Rightist movements with which it quarrelled or was from time to time connected. The same author's work on the Army (<u>Politics and the Military in Modern Spain</u>), was published just before this thesis went to the typist, as were the biographies of Franco by Crosier and Hills. Professor Sánchez's book on the Church and the Republic, <u>Reform and Reaction</u>, appeared in 1964, two years after work on this thesis began. Concentration on the <u>CEDA</u> in this thesis is felt by the writer to be fUlly justified, not only because of that party's size and importance for the history of the Republic, but also because it has hitherto been so neglected by historians. Only one book in any language deals with it - Monge Bernal's <u>Acción Popular</u> - and it is an 'authorized' history written by a party member at the end of 1935. Neglect of the party's history is perhaps attributable to the fact that its leaders were <u>personae non gratae</u> both to the Left and to the victors in the Civil War. The purpose of this thesis is therefore to try and provide a comprehensive study of the Right during the Republic. The thesis endeavours to explain why the various parties existed, to trace the development of each of them and to give an account of relations between them. The attitude of each to the Church and to the Army (and <u>vice versa</u>) is also discussed. An attempt is also made to examine and explain the policies, ideology and strength of each and, so far as is possible, to indicate socially and geographically whence came their supporters. The absence of adequate biographical information has however hindered a proper study of the economic interests represented by them. This thesis also constitutes an attempt to set the Right's activities firmly within the broader context of the history of the Republic and the events leading up to the Civil War. For this reason the chronological approach adopted would seem to be justified: the events of the years 1931-1936 in Spain are comparable in their complexity to those of, for example, the years 1789-1799 in France. Furthermore, the activities and development of the Right were to a considerable extent dictated by this kaleidoscopic sequence of events in which, by and large, the Left held the initiative.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of the study is to identify and analyse conspiracy narratives as popular counter-knowledge and as alternatives to leftist discourse and explanations of the contradictions of a capitalist system in a systemic crisis. The study makes a distinction between pathological and cultural approaches to conspiracy theories. While pathological approaches critically assess conspiracy theories as expressions of a certain political paranoia, cultural approaches are more inclusive and view conspiracy theory as cultural expressions of the postmodern condition. The cultural understandings break the categorical link between conspiracy theories and irrationality and allows a further discussion on how conspiracy theories might relate to leftist discourse and its attempts to counter neoliberal hegemonic structures. The approach taken by the study relies on the theoretical framework of historical materialism. Key theories used derive from Karl Marx, along with Gramscian, World Systems theory and critical approaches to global political economy. In the historical analysis that was performed, the understanding of structures in the historical development of the world economy, as well as the role of social forces which lead to changes in these structures were shown to be better approaches for understanding both historical events and the current crisis in the capitalist system. However, even within the opportune movement of an on-going capitalist crisis, the Left struggles to create a consistent counter-hegemonic narrative, and current counter-hegemonic movements, whilst being influential, are not succeeding in being transformative This suggests that leftist discourse fails to address the micro-level manifestations of the contradictions of the current system in a way that appeals to the masses. Accordingly, conspiracy theories as frameworks from which to critique the current global political economy are discussed. It is argued that although conspiracy theories are essentially reactionary, as well as historically a product of the far right, these theories might be understood as allegorical narrative constructs that serve as tools of orientation in a confusing political reality and, as such, the label of irrationality should not be applied without further consideration. It is further suggested that there is a proximity between various critical perspectives and conspiracy theories, although it is not implied that there is an exchange of ideas. It is argued that strands of critical theory and conspiracy theory share certain convictions about how the social world is constructed. While leftist/critical discourse relies on a scientific historical analysis, conspiracy discourses are often categorised lacking in scientific support. Critical theoretical perspectives are therefore suggested as the most effective remedy against utopian and simplistic narratives. While the thesis does not challenge the appropriateness of Marxist/critical perspectives at explaining economic crisis and global inequity, it aims at discussing the popularity of conspiracy theories as, for many, preferable tools of orientation in the present times. While political scientific theories and conspiracy theories are generally understood as in essence incompatible, this thesis attempted to discuss and analyse whether this established view could be challenged in light of recent scholarship on conspiracy culture. The study concludes that Marxist/critical approaches should understand conspiracy theories as alternative counter-knowledge and as popular doorways into major social issues that define global political culture, which could actually complement traditional leftist discourse. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van die studie is om sameswerings-verhale as populêre teen-kennis en as alternatiewe vir linkse diskoers en verklarings van die teenstrydighede van ’n kapitalistiese stelsel wat ’n sistemiese krisies beleef, te identifiseer en te analiseer. Die studie onderskei tussen patalogiese en kulturele benaderings tot samesweringsteorieë. Patologiese benaderinge raam samesweringsteorieë krities as uitdrukkings van bepaalde politieke paranoia, terwyl kulturele benaderinge meer inklusief is, samesweringsteorie beskou as ’n kulturele uitdrukking van die postmoderne toestand. Die kulturele begrip breek die kategoriese skakel tussen samesweringsteorieë en irrasionaliteit en fasiliteer nog ’n gesprek oor hoe hierdie teorieë moontlik verwant sou kon wees aan linkse diskoers, asook laasgenoemde se pogings om neoliberale hegemoniese strukture teen te staan. Die benadering wat gevolg word in die studie steun op die teoretiese raamwerk van historiese materialisme. Die vernaamste vertrekpunte wat gebruik word is afgelei van Karl Marx, tesame met Gramsciaanse, Wêreldstelsel-teorie en kritiese benaderings tot globale politieke ekonomie. In die historiese analiese wat onderneem is, word gedemonstreer dat ’n begrip van strukture in die historiese ontwikkeling van die wêreld-ekonomie, asook die rol van sosiale magte wat verandering in hierdie strukture meebring, beter verklarings bied vir beide historiese gebeure en die teenswoordige krisies in die kapitalistiese stelsel. Nietemin, selfs met die geleenthede wat geskep word te midde van die aangaande kapitalistiese krisies, sukkel Linksgesindes om ’n konsekwente teen-hegemoniese “verhaal” te skep. Kontemporêre teen-hegemoniese bewegings, ongeag hul skynbare invloed, slaag nie daarin om verandering te weeg te bring nie. Dit wil voorkom asof linkse diskoers nie daarin slaag om die manifistering van die teenswoordige stelsel se teenstrydighede aan te spreek op ’n wyse wat aanklank vind by die massas nie. Dienooreenkomstig word samesweringsteorieë bespreek as raamwerke vanwaar en waaruit die huidige globale politieke ekonomie gekritiseer kan word. Die argument word aangevoer dat, alhoewel hierdie teorieë essensieel reaksionêr is, asook histories gesien ’n verregse produk, hulle moontlik verstaan kan word as allegoriese verhaal konstrukte wat dien as middele vir orientasie in ’n verwarrende politieke werklikheid. As sulks, behoort die etiket van irrasionaliteit nie sondermeer en onkrities aan hulle toegedien te word nie. Verder, word daar in die studie voorgestel, dat daar raakpunte is tussen verskeie kritiese perspektiewe en samesweringsteorieë. Daar word egter nie gesuggereer dat daar ’n uitruil van idees is nie. Daar word egter wel ge-argumenteer dat daar elemente van kritiese teorieë en samesweringsteorieë is wat bepaalde oortuiginge deel oor hoe die sosiale werklikheid gevorm word. Terwyl linkse en kritiese diskoers gekoppel is aan wetenskaplike-historiese analise, word samesweringsdiskoerse gekategoriseer as verklarings wat gebrek lei aan wetenskaplike ondersteuning. Kritiese teoretiese perspektiewe word dus voorgehou as die mees effektiewe oplossing teen utopieseen simplistiese narratiewe. Terwyl die tesis nie die toepasbaarheid van Marxistiese/Kritiese perspektiewe, as verklarings vir die ekonomiese krisies en globale ongelykheid, uitdaag nie, het dit gepoog om die populariteit van samesweringsteorieë, as voorkeur raamwerke vir orientering in teenswoordige tye, aan te spreek. Die tesis het onderneem om vas te stel en te analiseer of die algemeen aanvaarde aanname dat politiek wetenskaplike teorieë en samesweringsteorieë essensieel onversoenbaar is, uitgedaag kan word, gesien in die lig van onlangse akademiese werk oor samesweringskultuur. Die studie bevind dat Marxistiese/kritiese benaderings samesweringsteorieë behoort te verstaan as alternatiewe teen-kennis en as populêre ingangspunte tot belangrike sosiale kwessies wat die globale politieke kultuur definieer. In die sin, sou samesweringsteorieë selfs tradisionele linkse diskoers kon aanvul.

"Grace Wick: Portrait of a Right-Wing Extremist" is a biography of an American woman who lived between 1888 and 1958. Wick grew up in a small midwestern town, but as a young woman broke away from small town tradition by moving to the city to pursue a career as an actress in the theater and in silent movies. In the course of her acting career she traveled across North America and had the opportunity to associate with people from all walks of life. As an actress, she was able to achieve an autonomy enjoyed by few women during the 1910s and early 1920s. She also developed into a political activist, organizing campaign rallies for candidates, crusading to extend women's freedom, and was an active participant in mainline politics. However, as a middle-aged woman during the late 1930s, Wick developed a narrow focus on life, becoming involved with right-wing, pro-America organizations. By the 1940s she had become outspoken against immigrants and Jews and was actively distributing nativist, anti-Semitic propaganda. The thesis poses and suggests answers to the question of why a woman who had spent a number of years in the city, and in a career which afforded her the opportunity to gain a cosmopolitan view of the world, followed a course toward nativism and right-wing extremism in her later years.

This work develops an opportunity for transgressive resistance to discursively formed structures of material and theoretical power and closure, based on a methodology of amateurism. The concept of amateurism draws heavily on the writing of Edward Said. This work synthesises Said with a broader corpus of postcolonial theory, following a theoretically postcolonial trajectory which applies the lessons from that referent to an engagement with traditional theoretical and cultural closure. The central thesis of the engagement follows a critique of strong ontology and vertical epistemology, or of expertise. Through an examination of health policy around birth, and sociological approaches to health, that critique is deployed to invigorate a new critical direction for the Left with a focus on subjectivity, social policy, social democracy and substantive citizenship. / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2008

This work develops an opportunity for transgressive resistance to discursively formed structures of material and theoretical power and closure, based on a methodology of amateurism. The concept of amateurism draws heavily on the writing of Edward Said. This work synthesises Said with a broader corpus of postcolonial theory, following a theoretically postcolonial trajectory which applies the lessons from that referent to an engagement with traditional theoretical and cultural closure. The central thesis of the engagement follows a critique of strong ontology and vertical epistemology, or of expertise. Through an examination of health policy around birth, and sociological approaches to health, that critique is deployed to invigorate a new critical direction for the Left with a focus on subjectivity, social policy, social democracy and substantive citizenship. / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2008

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 311-320).

This study develops a model explaining support for contemporary extreme-right parties. The history and political setting of relevant countries are examined. The research explores necessary state-level conditions, which are postindustrialism, convergence to the center by major parties, and proportional representation. Individual support is probed using survey data with bivariate and probit analyses. Being male and younger proved to be significant variables, while socio-economic status did not. Concerning issues, personal disaffection for immigrants, favoring nationalistic hiring practices, and free-market tendencies were significant variables. Opposition to feminism and pride to be from one's nation were insignificant explanations for extreme-right support. Implications of the analysis are discussed as are issues concerning future research.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 1997. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 1459-1564). Also available on the Internet.