This case study presents a comprehensive discussion of economic and administrative impacts of riverboat gaming on a small city, Rising Sun, Indiana. The history of gaming is traced in the United States, Indiana, and Rising Sun. Evidence suggests that most of the impacts in Rising Sun have been positive financially. It allows for upgraded infrastructure, new city building construction and improved community services. Two foundations have been created to help surrounding communities and Rising Sun, as well as an unique revenue sharing plan that encompasses counties and cities beyond Rising Sun and Ohio County. The study also determines that the riverboat casino has not helped existing businesses in the community, and that "economic development" of those businesses has not flourished because of the gaming casino. Administratively, this study does suggest that the casino's revenues and presence has affected changes in the town's leadership, as well as small increases in crime and other social impacts. / Department of Political Science

The proliferation of gaming in America has increasingly brought certain development pressures to bear on historic resources and has been an emerging issue in the field of historic preservation for the last decade. Early experiments to harness gaming as a catalyst for preservation activity in four historic mining communities in South Dakota and Colorado received much attention. More recently, riverboat casinos have affected historic communities throughout the Midwest. From the standpoint of preservation, these examples have had both positive and negative effects for historic resources. This study examines some of the lessons learned and uses them to illuminate the case of Rising Sun, a small rural community in southeastern Indiana with a casino riverboat. The goal is to determine whether gaming development, if properly planned, situated, and regulated, can be a positive force for preservation activity while still maintaining the original character of the host community. / Department of Architecture

By the 1960s-70s, most Western commentators agreed that Japan had rehabilitated itself from World War II, in the process becoming on the whole a reliable member of the international community. From the late 1970s onwards, however, as Japan’s economy continued to rise, this premise began to be questioned. By the late 1980s, a new ‘Japan Problem’ had been identified in Western countries, although the presentation of Japan as a dangerous ‘other’ was nevertheless familiar from past historical eras. The term ‘Japan-bashing’ was used by opponents of this negative view to suggest that much of the critical rhetoric about a ‘Japan Problem’ could be reduced to an unwarranted, probably racist, assault on Japan. This thesis argues that the invention and popularisation of the highly-contested label ‘Japan-bashing’, rather than averting criticism of Japan, perversely helped to exacerbate and transform the moderate anti-Japanese sentiment that had existed in Western countries in the late 1970s and early 1980s into a widely disseminated, heavily politicised and even encultured phenomenon in the late 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, when the term ‘Japan-bashing’ spread to Japan itself, Japanese commentators were quick to respond. In fact, the level and the nature of the response from the Japanese side is one crucial factor that distinguishes ‘Japan-bashing’ in the 1980s and 1990s from anti-Japanese sentiment expressed in the West in earlier periods. Ultimately, the label and the practice of ‘Japan-bashing’ helped to transform intellectual and popular discourses about Japan in both Western countries and Japan itself in the 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, in doing so, it revealed crucial features of wider Western and Japanese perceptions of the global order in the late twentieth century. Debates about Japan showed, for example, that economic strength had become at least as important as military power to national discourses about identity. However, the view that Western countries and Japan are generally incompatible, and share few, if any, common values, interests or goals, has been largely discarded in the early twenty-first century, in a process that demonstrated just how constructed, and transitory, such views can be.

By the 1960s-70s, most Western commentators agreed that Japan had rehabilitated itself from World War II, in the process becoming on the whole a reliable member of the international community. From the late 1970s onwards, however, as Japan’s economy continued to rise, this premise began to be questioned. By the late 1980s, a new ‘Japan Problem’ had been identified in Western countries, although the presentation of Japan as a dangerous ‘other’ was nevertheless familiar from past historical eras. The term ‘Japan-bashing’ was used by opponents of this negative view to suggest that much of the critical rhetoric about a ‘Japan Problem’ could be reduced to an unwarranted, probably racist, assault on Japan. This thesis argues that the invention and popularisation of the highly-contested label ‘Japan-bashing’, rather than averting criticism of Japan, perversely helped to exacerbate and transform the moderate anti-Japanese sentiment that had existed in Western countries in the late 1970s and early 1980s into a widely disseminated, heavily politicised and even encultured phenomenon in the late 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, when the term ‘Japan-bashing’ spread to Japan itself, Japanese commentators were quick to respond. In fact, the level and the nature of the response from the Japanese side is one crucial factor that distinguishes ‘Japan-bashing’ in the 1980s and 1990s from anti-Japanese sentiment expressed in the West in earlier periods. Ultimately, the label and the practice of ‘Japan-bashing’ helped to transform intellectual and popular discourses about Japan in both Western countries and Japan itself in the 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, in doing so, it revealed crucial features of wider Western and Japanese perceptions of the global order in the late twentieth century. Debates about Japan showed, for example, that economic strength had become at least as important as military power to national discourses about identity. However, the view that Western countries and Japan are generally incompatible, and share few, if any, common values, interests or goals, has been largely discarded in the early twenty-first century, in a process that demonstrated just how constructed, and transitory, such views can be.

By the 1960s-70s, most Western commentators agreed that Japan had rehabilitated itself from World War II, in the process becoming on the whole a reliable member of the international community. From the late 1970s onwards, however, as Japan’s economy continued to rise, this premise began to be questioned. By the late 1980s, a new ‘Japan Problem’ had been identified in Western countries, although the presentation of Japan as a dangerous ‘other’ was nevertheless familiar from past historical eras. The term ‘Japan-bashing’ was used by opponents of this negative view to suggest that much of the critical rhetoric about a ‘Japan Problem’ could be reduced to an unwarranted, probably racist, assault on Japan. This thesis argues that the invention and popularisation of the highly-contested label ‘Japan-bashing’, rather than averting criticism of Japan, perversely helped to exacerbate and transform the moderate anti-Japanese sentiment that had existed in Western countries in the late 1970s and early 1980s into a widely disseminated, heavily politicised and even encultured phenomenon in the late 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, when the term ‘Japan-bashing’ spread to Japan itself, Japanese commentators were quick to respond. In fact, the level and the nature of the response from the Japanese side is one crucial factor that distinguishes ‘Japan-bashing’ in the 1980s and 1990s from anti-Japanese sentiment expressed in the West in earlier periods. Ultimately, the label and the practice of ‘Japan-bashing’ helped to transform intellectual and popular discourses about Japan in both Western countries and Japan itself in the 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, in doing so, it revealed crucial features of wider Western and Japanese perceptions of the global order in the late twentieth century. Debates about Japan showed, for example, that economic strength had become at least as important as military power to national discourses about identity. However, the view that Western countries and Japan are generally incompatible, and share few, if any, common values, interests or goals, has been largely discarded in the early twenty-first century, in a process that demonstrated just how constructed, and transitory, such views can be.

By the 1960s-70s, most Western commentators agreed that Japan had rehabilitated itself from World War II, in the process becoming on the whole a reliable member of the international community. From the late 1970s onwards, however, as Japan’s economy continued to rise, this premise began to be questioned. By the late 1980s, a new ‘Japan Problem’ had been identified in Western countries, although the presentation of Japan as a dangerous ‘other’ was nevertheless familiar from past historical eras. The term ‘Japan-bashing’ was used by opponents of this negative view to suggest that much of the critical rhetoric about a ‘Japan Problem’ could be reduced to an unwarranted, probably racist, assault on Japan. This thesis argues that the invention and popularisation of the highly-contested label ‘Japan-bashing’, rather than averting criticism of Japan, perversely helped to exacerbate and transform the moderate anti-Japanese sentiment that had existed in Western countries in the late 1970s and early 1980s into a widely disseminated, heavily politicised and even encultured phenomenon in the late 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, when the term ‘Japan-bashing’ spread to Japan itself, Japanese commentators were quick to respond. In fact, the level and the nature of the response from the Japanese side is one crucial factor that distinguishes ‘Japan-bashing’ in the 1980s and 1990s from anti-Japanese sentiment expressed in the West in earlier periods. Ultimately, the label and the practice of ‘Japan-bashing’ helped to transform intellectual and popular discourses about Japan in both Western countries and Japan itself in the 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, in doing so, it revealed crucial features of wider Western and Japanese perceptions of the global order in the late twentieth century. Debates about Japan showed, for example, that economic strength had become at least as important as military power to national discourses about identity. However, the view that Western countries and Japan are generally incompatible, and share few, if any, common values, interests or goals, has been largely discarded in the early twenty-first century, in a process that demonstrated just how constructed, and transitory, such views can be.

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Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-02-22T12:52:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexsandro Dantas Maia_.pdf: 5539206 bytes, checksum: 1bb51804b7e3a921d44bff69a326a041 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-22T12:52:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexsandro Dantas Maia_.pdf: 5539206 bytes, checksum: 1bb51804b7e3a921d44bff69a326a041 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-19 / Nenhuma / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as formas de atuação e as demandas/reinvindicações da Associação de Moradores em sua luta pelo direito à moradia na comunidade Sol Nascente, localizada no Distrito Federal. O objeto de estudo é a Comunidade Sol Nascente, tendo como foco a Associação de Moradores Mãos Solidárias, localizada na região administrativa de Ceilândia. É uma pesquisa na área das Ciências Sociais mas com uma perspectiva interdisciplinar por trabalhar com alguns teóricos do campo do Direito, História e Filosofia. O trabalho está inserido em uma vertente de consolidação de direitos constitucionais e no princípio da dignidade. Propõe-se a mostrar através de entrevistas com os principais líderes comunitários as principais demandas e reinvindicações relacionadas ao processo de regularização fundiária da localidade, e um dos pontos que mais teve destaque foi o reconhecimento como cidadão e pessoa com dignidade. / This dissertation aims to analyze the forms of action and demands / claims of the Residents' Association in their struggle for the right to housing in the Sol Nascente community, located in the Federal District. The object of study is the Sol Nascente Community, focusing on the Association of Solidary Residents Residents, located in the administrative region of Ceilândia. It is a research in the area of Social Sciences but with an interdisciplinary perspective for working with some theorists in the field of Law, History and Philosophy. The work is part of a consolidation of constitutional rights and the principle of dignity. It proposes to show through interviews with the main community leaders the main demands and claims related to the land regularization process of the locality, and one of the most important points was recognition as a citizen and a person with dignity.