published_or_final_version / Comparative Asian Studies / Master / Master of Arts

黃維詩. / "2002年8月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (leaves 63-69) / 附中英文提要. / "2002 nian 8 yue" / Huang Weishi. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 63-69) / Fu Zhong Ying wen ti yao. / 論文提要 / 引言 / Chapter 第一章 --- 喪葬儀禮的傳統面貌 / Chapter 1.1 --- 從宗教看中西死亡觀 / Chapter 1.2 --- 喪葬儀禮之目的及意義 / Chapter 1.3 --- 中國傳統喪葬儀式 / Chapter 第二章 --- 早期殖民統治下的香港 / Chapter 2.1 --- 早期香港的政治背景 / Chapter 2.2 --- 早期香港地理位置與自由經濟發展 / Chapter 2.3 --- 早期香港的人口結構 / Chapter 2.4 --- 自由開放下的多元宗教 / Chapter 2.5 --- 特殊的政治、經濟及移民因素與混雜文化特色的形成 / Chapter 第三章 --- 從喪葬禮儀反映香港社會階級的分化 / Chapter 3.1 --- 香港華人社會中的葬喪禮儀槪況 / Chapter 3.2 --- 從喪儀看香港的社會階級問題 / Chapter 第四章 --- 港英殖民政府的殯喪政策及對華人的影響 / Chapter 4.1 --- 英國政府在香港所實施之殯喪政策 / Chapter 4.2 --- 香港的殯喪政策對華人的影響 / Chapter 第五章 --- 總結 / 參考書目

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第一章陳述周代酒禮的研究狀況。當時的酒禮的類別、內容、程序等都有很大的探討空間，但是首先要打破銘文釋讀的障礙。我提出從古文字形構的角度考察禮儀的雛形，隨即在第二章實踐。經過考察與祼禮有關的瓚、將等字的本義，勾勒字義的引申關係，用來訓釋銘文語境中的具體含義，以此為基礎來說明了瓚、將兩種事物的禮儀用途，結果得出銘文瓚字既是表示飲酒的工具也是表示獻酒的動詞，其中瓚字由於詞性變換而孳乳出「口+瓚」、「吅+瓚」的寫法，為 、 字。銘文「口+瓚」、「吅+瓚」的寫法，按辭例都表示讓人酒飲義，兩字是在「瓚」字的基礎上添加了「口」或「吅」，屬標示動詞用法的表義符號。至於祼將的將則屬於同源分化，由本指奉持的將字添加瓚形，產生了專指祼將（獻酒）的 字。第二章又牽涉到「X+某+出入/逆洀+事/將令」的辭例，X位置皆有供酒食之意，不應籠統以協助義當之，將命明顯是傳話之意。在飲食禮中設有訝者，兼任迎賓並傳達主賓之言。出入/逆洀乃形容傳命之行為，學者以為是名詞，指王的使者，非是。透過《儀禮》飲食禮儀程序的展現，可以反映這種套語所描述的實際內容。第三、四章討論「饗禮」，以主題用品劃分饗禮的類別，可以分為饗酒和饗醴兩種。在歸納銘文有「饗」字的辭例時，我發現了「饗醴」有「侑」，「饗酒」無「侑」的現象。侑是勸的意思，因飲料的種類有別，而有勸和不勸之別，反映了周初飲酒觀念對後來用酒制度的影響。類似的辭例用字上的差別未盡被揭櫫，而這些差別是還可以解決一些文字釋義的問題，例如飲、厚、懿、莤等字被討論過不少，可是還未算審諦。重新考察辭例後，可見飲不用於醴，厚、懿和醴、醫等事物有關，藉此對個別經傳文句提出新見，也進一步瞭解飲酒禮儀的內涵。第五、六章圍繞�字的本義、辭例、禮制、思想等各個方面做討論。�字形義蘊涵了飲酒行為，也是飲酒禮的基本模式，字中每一個部件，都可以在三《禮》所見的飲酒禮中找到實物，而�字包含了招待的義項，也和文獻以酒作為招待賓客的主要用品相符。 Documents from the early Western Zhou already indicate significant ideological differences between the Shang and Zhou dynasties. Instructions and commands written down in the da yu ding bronze inscription and the jiu gao ("royal mandate regarding drunkenness") chapter of the Shangshu, for example, show that the Zhou believed that the downfall of the Shang dynasty was brought on by their excessive indulgence in alcohol, and that they intended to admonish their own people for this behavior. However, the widespread use of bronze drinking vessels up until the mid-Western Zhou period suggests that this idea was only held up by the ruling elite of the early Western Zhou and did not expand throughout the entire territory. Only when the Zhou developed their own distinctive culinary and ritual culture from the mid-Western period on, bronze drinking vessels started to disappear from daily use. But the decrease of bronze drinking vessels does not necessarily mean that drinking alcohol for ritual purposes had been banned. From the mid-Western Zhou throughout the entire Eastern Zhou period characters related to these rituals--e.g. jiu酒（wine）, yin 飲 ("to drink"), xiang 饗 ("to offer food and drinks"), guan 祼 ("to pour out libation") and zan 瓚 ("libation cup")--continue to appear on bronze inscriptions and show that the use of alcohol was still an indispensable part within court meetings. Only the form, quantity and quality of the alcohol vessels and drinking habits underwent changes, but they had not been forbidden categorically. The aim of this thesis is to outline the evolution of ritual ceremonies involving the use of alcohol vessels during the mid-Western Zhou period. By this, I attempt to demonstrate that the importance of offering alcohol drastically declined during this era. One indicator for this development is the decline in offering jiu 酒 ("wine") and its replacement with li 醴 ("sweet wine"). Due to its lower levels of alcohol, a higher amount of "sweet wine" could be consumed without becoming intoxicated and was therefore more suitable in the effort to abide the instructions given by the founding fathers of the dynasty. Besides a comparison of the terms jiu 酒 and li 醴, this thesis also offers new paleographic and phonologic analyses of related characters--e.g. suo 縮 ("filter"), yin 飲 ("to drink"), hou 厚 ("richness"), yi 懿 ("fine"), zan 瓚 ("libation cup"), guan 祼 ("to pour out libation"), etc.--to contrast the ritual system as described in the old texts with the bronze inscriptions according to the shape and sound of the character as well as the actual artifact.

published_or_final_version / Social Work and Social Administration / Master / Master of Philosophy

Chan Yuk Wah. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-143). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract (English) --- p.ii / Abstract (Chinese) --- p.iii / Acknowledgement --- p.iv / List of Plates --- p.v / Chapter I. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter II. --- Funeral History and Funerals Today --- p.17 / Chapter III. --- Packaging Traditions: Commercialization of Funerary Services --- p.38 / Chapter IV. --- Management of the Body --- p.57 / Chapter V. --- Management of the Soul --- p.74 / Chapter VI. --- Management of Death Pollution --- p.95 / Chapter VII. --- Conclusion: Social Transformation and Cultural Persistence --- p.111 / Appendices --- p.118 / Plates --- p.124 / Bibliography --- p.130

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Social Sciences

由14位作者寫於17世紀、收於耶穌會羅馬館的28篇祭禮文獻，是迄今所見最早一批出自中國士人信徒之手，在禮儀之爭期間就傳教士對祭祖禮的顧慮作出回應的文章。按內容來看，傳教士的顧慮可歸納為兩類，一是採取詢問的方式，向這批士人信徒請教與祭祀相關的問題，二是對祭祖禮已持有否定態度，致令這批作者撰文予以反駁。從祭祖禮的觀點方面來說，28篇文獻作者主要是從祭祖本義、祭祖禮是否真的含有與天主教信仰相牴觸的成份等兩方面，進行論述。對於前者，他們認為祭祖源於人情、德育及治國三方面的需要；對於後者，他們指祭祖禮既無求福的成份，亦不認為祖先仍會來格來饗於祭祀現場，因此祭祖之槍祭"與祭上帝之槍祭"在本質上迥異。雖然在該如何理人死後的靈魂狀態、嘏辭是否在當時社會中已無人應用等細節上，個別作者有不同的意見，然而他們基本上是一致認為祭祖禮應允許中國信徒繼續奉行。從立論方式來說，28篇文獻作者中縱使有個別作者對某些儒家經典的可信性存疑，但他們大多仍是主要採用經學進路，強調先王、孔子、儒學的地位及中國文字用法有其特別之處，援引儒家經典、尤其是《禮記》對祭祖禮的描述，以及宋儒的觀點、當中又尤以朱熹為主，作為探討時的論據. 以28篇與其所身處的明末清初時期經學主流相較而言，他們的確反映了當時整體經學風氣所尚--以朱熹為宗、漸開漢宋兼爭之勢。不過，對於祭祖禮本義的理解，比對作為當時經學相關方面的代表人物--朱熹及其學派的陳澔、納蘭性德等人的觀點，在情、德、治三方面之外，朱熹等人並不否認祭祖求福、相信祖先能來格來饗，朱子甚至認為祭祖的本義之一，就是在於以祭祀之誠讓祖先的魂魄能夠得以安頓。以28篇與其所身處17世紀來華傳教士、教廷相較而言，耶穌會傳教士的觀點最與28篇相近，他們注意到祭祖禮在情、德方面對中國人的意義，認為仍有允許中國信徒奉行祭祀的價值。然而，多明我會、方濟各會傳教士則持定相反意見，他們的關注點不在於祭祖禮對中國人的意義、價值，而是禮儀中所存在的求福於祖先、相信祖先仍能來格來饗等成份，與天主教信仰相悖。至於教廷，則會按傳教士上呈的資料，而對祭祖禮是否仍能奉行於信徒之間，在答覆時作出相應的調整。立論方式上，除耶穌會與多明我會的萬濟國，會引用中國儒家經典作為討論依據外，托缽修會的傳教士主要是按眼見當時社會上祭祖禮情況作出判斷。雖然在論述過程中，28篇文獻一方面與明末清初經學主流對於祭祖禮本義的理解存在歧異，另一方面亦出現對經典的錯解、邏輯上的謬誤等若干不足；但是，不管是讓後世得以更全面地認識禮儀之爭這段歷史，抑或是為當代有關槍祭祖"問題的研究帶來參考與啟發，這批文獻皆具有重要的價值。Abstract The 28 documents, collected by the Society of Jesus Roman Archive, were written in 17th century by 14 authors. They were possibly the earliest Chinese scholar-believers that discussed with the western missionaries about the concept of ancestral offering ritual during the Chinese Rites Controversy. Since the ancestral offering ritual had been held negative attitude, the scholars had to write these documents for refuting. For the ancestral offering ritual, the authors mainly discussed the original meaning of ancestral offering ritual, and consider whether it is in contravention of the Catholic faith. They believed that ancestral offering ritual contained three elements: humanity(人情), morality(德育) and social order(治國). They neither looked for blessings from ancestors nor thought that the spirits of ancestors would be present to the ritual, thus, the ancestral offering and the offering sacrifice to God were different in nature. Though individual authors had different views on the state of the spirits of ancestors, they agreed that ancestral offering ritual should be allowed to continue to practice among Chinese believers. Most of the authors mainly used the Confucian Classics Approach(經學進路) to make their arguments. They took Confucian, especially the "Book of Ritual", and Zhu Xi of Song Dynasty as the main sources to present their.;arguments of ancestral offering ritual. However, apart from the three elements, Zhu did not deny that ancestral offering ritual was to seek blessings, and believed that the spirits of ancestors would be present to the ritual. Zhu even believed that ancestral offering ritual was for settling the spirits of ancestors. The view of the Society of Jesus was closed to that of the authors. They noted that the significances of ancestral offering ritual to Chinese people were more about humanity and morality, and thought that it was worthy for Chinese believers to practice the ancestral offering ritual. However, the Dominican and the Franciscan missionaries held of opposite view. Their concerns were not the significances and values of ancestral offering ritual, but the behaviour of seeking blessings from ancestors and the belief of the presence of the spirits of ancestors. In the Chinese Rites Controversy, the Society of Jesus and the Francisco Varo of Dominicans referred Confucian as the basis for their discussions. The Mendicant missionaries mainly depended on the situation at that time in the society to make judgments. The Vatican was only according to the information from missionaries to make corresponding judgments that whether the ancestral offering ritual was being allowed to practice among Chinese believers. Although there are discrepancies and some logical fallacies between the 28 documents and the Confucian Classics of Ming and Qing Dynasties about the understanding of the original meaning of ancestral offering ritual, these documents can bring great inspiration on the contemporary research of ancestral offering ritual and make a more comprehensive reorganization of the history of Chinese Rites Controversy.

筆者在徽州田野考察時，發現當地人常表達出兩套關於祖先的觀念：第一，徽州人的祖先，就是神明；第二，即使祖先和神明身份重疊，當地人卻能清楚分辨祭於祠堂的祖先，和祭於廟宇的祖先，不會混淆祭祀的場所。這兩套觀念，其實表達出徽州人在宋明間祖先形象的變化。箇中的變化並不單純是「祖先」、「神明」此等稱謂的改變，而是一套與王朝政策息息相關的祭祖儀式漸漸出現。 / 自南宋遷都杭州後，徽州的地位在宋朝政府變得非常重要，冊封徽州地方神明這套禮儀是王朝與地方建立關係的重要手段。同時，這些受王朝賜封神號和廟額的神明，亦被視為徽州人的祖先，供奉在廟宇，享受地方信眾的香火和經濟捐贈；元朝時期徽州士人開始流行以譜系追溯遠祖，這套文字方式將神明祖先及其後裔一代一代的聯繫起來，但卻不見於應用在祭祀儀式上；到了明朝，政府推行的戶籍登記以及後來的賦役改革，迫使地方社會要仔細劃分神廟祭祀和祠堂祭祀，否則難以確保祭祀場所和祭產的擁有權。 / 盡管在祠堂祭祀祖先的儀式在明朝中葉普及起來，但並不表示神明祭祀的傳統因而消失，所以在徽州地方社會上，同時存在著在廟宇祭祀神明祖先的禮儀和在祠堂祭祀宗族祖先的禮儀。 / 筆者的研究方法，是以歷史人類學的視野，結合歷史學對時間變遷的敏感和人類學對地方社會的細膩觀察，利用族譜、碑文、地方志、文集和田野考察所得的資料，重構徽州地方社會這段獨特的發展，展示出徽州人對祖先的理解，如何由神明拉近至放在村內祠堂祭祀的木主。 / In my visits to Huizhou, I was attracted by the interesting phenomenon that there are two different kinds of concepts about ancestor in Huizhou. The first concept is that some ancestors are recognized as deities in government gazette, genealogy and document. They got a double image. In second concept, although those ancestors are recognized as deities, the difference between the rituals of ancestral worship in temple and of deity worship in ancestral hall is very clear. One of the most interesting cases is Wang Hua, who had been remaining an important regional god and an ancestor of the Huizhou Wangs since the Sung dynasty, but who also came in the Ming dynasty to be worshiped as the ancestors in ancestral hall, separated from the worship of deity Wang Hua in temple. This thesis examines this phenomenon by studying the transformations of Huizhou society from the Song through the Ming. / This thesis argues that the gradual shift in Huizhou society from the worship of gods in temples to the worship of ancestors in halls is a long process of integration between local society and the state. This process, which reached a now-agreed upon turning point in a 1536 decree of the emperor Jiajing, followed different paths in different parts of China. In Huizhou, various lineages gradually came into existence that was based on the foundation of worship of gods in temple. They at first worshiped their ancestors together with local gods in the temples of the latter and only gradually moved to the building of independent ancestor halls. / By using a range of rare documents, genealogies, government gazettes, current observation of the environment of villages, and interview recorded in the field, the thesis reconstructs the history of traditional Huizhou society that is in marked contrast with the history of other regions in South China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 郭錦洲 = Distance from ancestor : the change of ancestral worship in Huizhou from the Song to Ming dynasty / Kwok Kam Chau. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-189). / Abstracts also in English. / Guo Jinzhou = Distance from ancestor : the change of ancestral worship in Huizhou from the Song to Ming Dynasty / Kwok Kam Chau.

Sze Ki Shan Ida. / "Architecture Department, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Master of Architecture Programme 2000-2001, design report." / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 63). / Library's copy: leaf 31 missing. / Preface --- p.01 / Table of content --- p.02 / Initiation --- p.03 / Exposition --- p.04 / Synthesis of loss --- p.04 / Soft disappearance --- p.06 / Tai O experience --- p.07 / Tragedy in architecture --- p.09 / Thesis statement --- p.10 / Conceptual framework --- p.11 / Redefine Identity for the place of death --- p.11 / Juxtaposition of contradictions --- p.12 / Investigation of lost space --- p.13 / Architecture to reconstruct death --- p.14 / Hapticity & time --- p.15 / Synthesis --- p.17 / Meaning of death --- p.17 / Death is loss / Death Ritual: a life policy against fragility / Meaning of death architecture --- p.19 / Search for immortality / Transition and transformation / Power of weakness --- p.22 / "Recognition, acceptance & rebirth" / Architecture as memento mori / Existing state --- p.24 / Background --- p.24 / Hong Kong death culture / Implication of changes / Site justification --- p.32 / Site analysis [regional] --- p.34 / Site analysis [local] --- p.44 / Client profiles --- p.51 / Future state --- p.53 / Design issues --- p.53 / Formulation of programs --- p.56 / List of users & activities --- p.57 / Schedule of accommodation --- p.58 / Appendix --- p.59 / Precedence --- p.59 / Igualada Cemetery / Brion Cemetery / Location of places of death --- p.62 / Bibliography --- p.63