Jurgita Kosinskaitė, „Tradicijų ir ritualų užtikrinimas bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose“. Darbo vadovas: doc. Dr. Dalia Survutaitė. Tradicijos ir ritualai - pasikartojančios mokyklos gyvenimo formos, kurios kuria mokyklos kultūros unikalumą, jos veiklos bei siekių tęstinumo ir priklausymo bendruomenei, turinčiai istoriją, jausmą. Tradicijų atsiradimas siejamas su Romos kultūra, tačiau ši sąvoka plačiai vartojama ir dabar. Tradicija - pasikartojanti gyvenimo forma, o ritualas - elgesys pasikartojančios gyvenimo formos metu. Ritualai yra pasikartojančių veiksnių seka. Tradicijų ir ritualų užtikrinimas numatomas norminiais dokumentais. Darbo objektas: Tradicijų ir ritualų užtikrinimas bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose. Darbo tikslas: Atskleisti tradicijų ir ritualų užtikrinimo bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose reikšmę Darbo uždaviniai: Pedagoginės literatūros dėka atskleisti tradicijų ir ritualų užtikrinimo galimybes; vadovaujantis vadybos teorijomis aprašyti tradicijų ir ritualų užtikrinimo prielaidas; ištirti mokinių požiūrį į tradicijų ir ritualų užtikrinimą bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose; ištirti buvusių mokinių požiūrį į tradicijų ir ritualų užtikrinimą bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose; ištirti mokytojų, dirbančių bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose požiūrį į tradicijų ir ritualų užtikrinimą bendrojo lavinimo mokyklose. Atlikus tyrimą suformuluotos išvados, kurios teigia, kad tirtų „Ryto“ vidurinės mokyklos ir Ąžuolo gimnazijos kultūros yra puoselėjamos, o tradicijas ir ritualus siekiam užtikrinti. / Jurgita Kosinskaitė, „Ensuring of traditions and rituals in general education schools“. Labour leader: Assoc. Dr. Dalia Survutaitė. Traditions and rituals are repeated school life forms that create the uniqueness of school culture, and aspirations of its business continuity and feeling of belonging to a community. The tradition is related to the Roman culture, but this concept is widely used today. Tradition are a recurring form of life and rituals are repetitive behaviors in the form of life. Rituals are repetitive sequence elements. Traditions and rituals are provided by normative documents. The object of work is protection of traditions and rituals in general education schools. Objective: To reveal the oportunity of assurance of traditions and rituals in general education schools with a help of pedagogical literature; to describe the assumption of ensuring of traditions and rituals with a help of management theories; to explore students' views to the ensuring of traditions and rituals in general education; to explore ex students' views to the ensuring of traditions and rituals in general education; ; to explore teacher' views to the ensuring of traditions and rituals in general education; After the study conclusions were made that claim, that culture is fostered and the traditions and rituals are supportet in "Rytas" middle school and „Ąžuolas“ high school.

This paper examines the Buddhist ritual Wesak---commemoration of the birth, enlightenment, and death (or parinibbana) of the Buddha---and its social function in creating Buddhist identity. A socio-historical survey of early Wesak rituals and case studies of Sri Lanka and North America provide examples of the development of Wesak as a ritual. This socio-political interpretation of Wesak reflects the consolidating nature of ritual through its interactions with other political and religious systems, and offers a glimpse into the emerging ecumenical form of Buddhism in North America.

The subject of our research is reinvention of Taoist ritual among Yao minorities. Imperial protocolary deeds are examined as one form of proceedings open to transformation. Liturgy or ritual installations are discussed with reference to choreography and scenography. Fieldnotes from Thailand, 1995, are provided as a side illustration.

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L’objet d’étude et le domaine de rechercheComme le sacré, le jeu et le sport délimitent dans le monde profane un espace réservé que régentent une série de règles et rituels qui n'ont de sens et de valeur que par la croyance qui leur est attribuée. Le lieu sacré est l’Aréna, le Colisée ou le Forum. Espace plus restreint, la « chambre de hockey » est une sphère sacrée privée, où entrent uniquement les gens autorisés, ce que nous appelons le « Dernier bastion des mâles ». On pourrait l’appeler aussi le « quartier des hommes » maanabeu chez les Lau ou la « Maison des hommes » chez les Baruya en passant par la Californie et l’Amazonie, les « Maisons de sudation ». Sujets tabous, secrets, histoires grivoises et anecdotes sont échangées; c’est là que les confidences se font et que se tissent les liens. On réfèrera aux notions d’espace sportif de Bromberger (1996), de masculinité et de féminité de Saouter (2000) et du système sportif de Darbon (2014). Il y a plusieurs niveaux d’identités, particulièrement la création du sentiment d’appartenance et de la confrérie.Rituels et rite initiatique – La masculinité et la séductionPour maintenir l’ordre social de la chance et de la victoire, plusieurs types de rituels sont présents et dans certains cas servent même à profaner les chances de l’équipe adverse. Les joueurs ont ainsi recours à toute une gamme de rituels. Le monde des croyances sert à rendre le joueur invincible, à minimiser les blessures, à le propulser vers la victoire avec le but victorieux, à prendre la bonne décision et à sortir vainqueur après chaque rencontre. L’analyse structurale « revisitée » vient nous porter main forte afin de bien comprendre tout cet univers symbolique du hockey en appliquant la formule canonique au sport et au genre. « Le hockey au Québec, est comme une religion ». Le hockey senior est un prétexte pour comprendre les profondes transformations et les influences qui viennent de toutes parts et sont réappropriées à travers les emprunts culturels. Aux besoins par la culture sportive, en même temps que les pratiques sociales sont transversales (Warnier, 2008), ainsi le « diffusionnisme contemporain » sert à suivre ces emprunts culturels, qui souvent proviennent des autochtones. On peut voir l’équipe de hockey comme une « tribu » avec son chef et ses guerriers qui prennent tous les moyens afin de pouvoir affirmer qu’ils sont ou ont été les plus forts, les vainqueurs de la « Coupe » à un moment donné de leur histoire, et ce, devant des femmes qu’ils tentent de séduire. Dans les sports de contact physique comme le hockey sur glace On les surnomme souvent « Gladiateurs » quand on voit leurs équipements, et leurs bâtons. Le hockey est un monde d’homme où la masculinité et la virilité sont encore présentes. Anne Saouter pose la bonne question dans sa recherche sur le rugby : « Mais le rugby, sport de la virilité par excellence dans l’imagerie collective, n’exige-t-il pas obligatoirement un jeu de miroir pour valider cette virilité : le regard des femmes? / The object of study and the field of researchLike the sacred, games and sports define in the profane world a space governed by a series of rules and rituals that only make sense and acquire value by the belief that is attributed to them. This sacred space is the Arena, The Coliseum or the Forum. On a smaller scale, the “hockey room” is a sacred private sphere that can only be entered by authorized individuals, what we call “the Last Male Bastion”. We could also refer to it as the “men’s quarters” maanabeu for the Lau, the “men’s house” for the Baruya or sweat lodges in California or Amazonia. Taboo subjects, secrets, bawdy stories and anecdotes are exchanged; where confidences are shared and relationships created. We can refer to the notions of sport spaces by Bromberger (1996), of masculine and feminine of Saouter (2000) or the sport system by Darbon (2014). There are multiple levels of identity, more specifically the creation of a sense of belonging and brotherhood. Rituals and Initiation Rites – Masculinity and SeductionTo maintain the social order of chance and victory, multiple types of rituals are present and, in some cases, serve as means to negate the chances of winning of the opposing team. Thus, the players rely on a series of rituals. The world of beliefs may serve to make a player invincible, to minimize the risk of injuries, that allows for the winning goal, make the right decision and be victorious after each encounter. Structural analysis “revisited” will allow us make sense of this symbolic universe of hockey by applying the canonical formula to sport and gender. “Hockey in Quebec is like a religion”. Senior hockey is a pretext to understand the deep transformations and the various influences that come from multiple horizons and are reappropriated via cultural diffusion. For the needs of sport culture and social practices are transversal (Warnier, 2008), thus contemporary diffusionism helps to follow these cultural appropriations, often borrowed from aboriginal peoples. One can understand the hockey team as a tribe with its chief and warriors who take any means to state that they are, or where, the strongest, the winners of the “Cup” at a given period in their history, this in the eyes of the women they wish to seduce. In contact sports like hockey, they are often referred to as “Gladiators”, which is well represented by their equipment and sticks. Hockey is a man’s world in which masculinity and virility are still very present. Anne Saouter ask’s the right question on her research on rugby: “But rugby, sport of virility by excellence in the collective mind does require a game of mirrors to validate this virility: the gaze of women?”

In thisstudy, I seek to give a missiological critique of the inculturation of marriage rituals in the National Baptist Convention (NBC) of Zimbabwe. I examine and explore the kind of inculturation that could help expedite greater engagement between the NBC of Zimbabwe, on the one hand, and the Shona and Ndebele cultures, on the other hand, in Midlands and Matabeleland regions. To that end, I use missiological research methodologies that include Pastoral Cycles, especially the four phase and the seven-point praxis matrix as propounded, among others, by Kritzinger (2010). I apply the latter as a grid of missiological questions. I apply these cycles in a mixed-research approach of quantitative and qualitative paradigms. The case study and descriptive survey are my designs. I chose as my research sample 140 research respondents from six of the thirteen denominations of the Convention in two regions, namely, the Midlands and the Matabeleland. These include National Executive members, pastors, elders, deacons, church committee members and ordinary lay members. Questionnaires, interviews and observations are used as instruments. The findings reveal that marriage rituals are significant to members of the NBC of Zimbabwe. They show how the NBC of Zimbabwe inculturated payment of bride price, ululating, dancing, and guidance and counselling into church practices. Marrying someone whose background is known was also inculturated. Respondents argue that these aspects of culture are biblically commendable and should be retained. However, polygamy, divination and ancestor veneration is rejected. The study further shows that the kusungira ritual and conducting marriage rituals in the November month are controversial. However, the inculturation of some aspects of marriage rituals was hindered by fear of syncretism, clash of doctrines and differing views within members of many ethnic tribes in the Convention. The study recommends that the NBC of Zimbabwe should encourage the payment of the bride price, whilst discouraging its abuse and that Church leaders should also handle with sensitivity controversies surrounding payment of the bride price. It also emphasises the preaching and teaching against views that perpetuate patriarchy and subordination of women by men in the church and society and encourages fusion of church and traditional wedding ceremonies. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology

These poems do not cohere around any single drive, ethic, or experience, and they do not even express, I don’t think, a consistent mode of seeing or being seen. I do hope there is some aspiration, some active dreaming in here for the latter possibility—that the “lyric I” (though I think the “lyric Me” is more apt a word for the poetic voice’s automatic, reflexive self-scrutiny) might be regarded—and, through mysterious reactions, amplified or diminished, transformed or transfixed, by the objects it sets out to capture. Even if the inevitable and old (and always renewed, and always dignified, if growing always old) project of overcoming the ego had any chance of success, it isn’t what we’re about. We are content, and poets see an invitation, to receive the Holy Ghost of the poem’s counterturned gaze, its anti-attention. In the poems we are content to perpetually appear under all the eyes we set up in the ether, beyond our reach. And the more outsides we create, and the more often we turn ourselves into offerings for re-seeings, outside-in, the closer our brushes with a casual and occasional grace.

This diploma thesis deals with the rituals of hunting and animals that are in them, directly or indirectly emerge and with which they are associated. It does so by using qualitative methods, namely the techniques of observation and interviews. The research results are presented in the form of a story that brings us how it is with the hunts, how such hunts look like and what all may be associated context furlongs. The thesis is divided into two main parts - theoretical, where we present the current knowledge of rituals and hunting - and empirical where this knowledge is deepened and disseminated through the interpretation of the results of my anthropological research. According relation to hunting, hunters can be distinguished as culls, hunters and hunters without morals. Hunters attach importance to rituals differently depending on various factors, among which is their devotion to hunting and general relationship that it has. Rituals have a unifying power, while not practising them separate those individuals from the ones that identify themselves with the community. In the context of hunting we talk about the so-called fee hunts, which are perceived by the respondents as a necessary evil, which may have a positive impact not only on hunting, though. Key words: hunters, rituals, animals Powered by...

Climate change and rapidly changing labour markets call for societies to increase their level of resilience. Parallelly, mental illness is tormenting Swedes in increasing numbers. How can society become more resilient unless its inhabitants are? Research have shown that individuals need time for introspection as well as to be part of a group, to obtain balance. People in groups tend to spontaneously form rituals with the function of explaining society, forming rules and bonds and give people a sense of meaning. Social infrastructure is a mean to make people come together, form rituals and develop their social capital - something that increase resilience both on an individual and social level. Architecture at its best can be said to point at, or promote, a desired lifestyle. Because of that, every major shift in society tends to bring about new forms of living. This project is a kind of urban, vertical monastery for non-believers as a way to explore future living. The idea is to find a new example of living and working that can help set a new norm, better adapted to the needs of the 21st century. A housing solution that work as social infrastructure, where individualism and collectiveness can meet. An important part of the project is exploring how small individual space can be when well dimensioned common space and function is offered at the same time. Small individual space help, or force, people to become minimalists due to lack of storage capacity. But minimalism is not just owning few things, it can also be low-key activism. By using yourself as an example you become a sort of activist resisting the consumption society and at the same time advocating for environmental sustainability. Minimalism can also be seen as a religion, a way to ritualize your daily life, to make sense of an increasingly scary world in lack of other belief systems to fall back on.

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