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The political career of Gaius Marius (ca. 157-86 BC}, which spans the years between 120 and 86 BC, was memorable not only for its unprecedented personal and public triumphs, but was also of momentous significance in the whole history of the Roman Republic. At precisely the time that Marius achieved a supreme position in the state, the military might of the Romans, hitherto invincible at least in fairly recent times (second century}, had been dealt a series of humiliating setbacks abroad. Firstly, in North Africa by a rather minor despot, Jugurtha the king of Numidia. Secondly, much closer to home in Illyria and in southern Gaul by the migrating Germanic tribes, the Cimbri and the Teutones. Against this background of quite unremitting disaster, Marius obtained a place in republican political life which had not been witnessed before. In his pursuit of senatorial offices, Marius initially experienced both victories and disappointments (success in the tribunician elections but failure in elections for the aedileship) before finally winning the prestigious consulship in the elections held in 108. Thereafter, he was consul a further six times, and five of these consulships were held in successive years between 104 and 100. Just as he was dominant on the field of battle against the Numidians and the Germanic tribes, so, too, did he control the politics of the city during the decade from 108 to 99: The chapters which follow below set out to trace Marius' long rise to preeminence, his contribution to the intricate tribunician legislation of the period in which he flourished and, moreover, his involvement with other senior political figures who were his contemporaries. Furthermore, this biographical study seeks to fully expose the fact that, as a result of his participation in the politics of the time, Marius' career became an obvious example which other equally ambitious politicians (for instance, Sulla, Pompey, Crassus, Caesar and Octavian) sought to emulate or even to surpass. Consequently, Marius may not have realised the extent of the dangers which he bequeathed to the res publica but, inadvertently or not, he caused the beginning of the fall of the Roman Republic. / D. Litt. et Phil. (Ancient History) / History

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In this thesis, I examine the nature and role of persuasion in Roman politics in the period immediately following the assassination of Caesar on the Ides of March 44 B.C. until the capture of the city of Rome by his heir Octavianus in August 43 B.C. The purpose of my thesis is to assess the extent to which persuasion played a critical role in political interactions and in the decision-making processes of those involved during this crucial period in Roman history. I do this by means of a careful discussion and analysis of a variety of different types of political interactions, both public and private. As regards the means of persuasion, I concentrate on the role and use of oratory in these political interactions. Consequently, my thesis owes much in terms of approach to the work of Millar (1998) and, more recently, Morstein-Marx (2004) on placing oratory at the centre of our understanding of how politics functioned in practice in the late Roman republic. Their studies, however, focus on the potential extent and significance of mass participation in the late Roman republican political system, and on the contio as the key locus of political interaction. In my thesis, I contribute to improving our new way of understanding late Roman republican politics by taking a broader approach that incorporates other types of political interactions in which oratory played a significant role. I also examine oratory as but one of a variety of means of persuasion in Roman political interactions. Finally, in analyzing politics and persuasion in the period immediately after Caesar’s assassination, I am examining not only a crucial period in Roman history, but one which is perhaps the best documented from the ancient world. The relative richness of contemporary evidence for this period calls out for the sort of close reading of sources and detailed analysis that I provide in my thesis that enables a better understanding of how politics actually played out in the late Roman republic.

Many accounts, both ancient and modern, have maintained that the Julio- Claudian women had unprecedented influence in their spheres. This dissertation attempts to determine the degree of autonomy and influence that the Julio-Claudian women had and to examine the factors that may have contributed to their exceptional influence. In trying to establish the extent and nature of the influence of the Julio- Claudian women, the ancient sources (literary, documentary and iconographic), in conjunction with modern scholarly views, were critically examined throughout. In attempting to determine the factors that influenced such weight and autonomy as these women had, the dissertation looks at the influences on women of earlier times, in particular the late Roman Republic, from a legal and a socio-historical angle. Whether the Julio-Claudian women could be considered, for example, to have been part of a “super-elite” in comparison with aristocratic women of earlier, and even later, times, was discussed and evaluated. On the surface the Julio-Claudian women did seem to enjoy a wider range of freedoms, power and influence than their counterparts, or the Roman women before or after them. Yet it is clear from the sources that these women also had restrictions laid upon them and that the patriarchal framework still curtailed their influence. When they over-stepped the accepted bounds, they were invariably vilified by the ancient historians, and often came to be negatively portrayed by subsequent generations. Whether these women truly deserved their vilification, or whether it can simply be ascribed to the bias of the ancient writers, was also explored throughout. / Classics & World Languages / M.A. (Classical Studies)

Thesis (MPhil (Dept. of Ancient Studies) -- University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / This thesis sets out to examine, as far as possible within the constraints of a limited study such as this, the nature of the Jewish protest movement against the occupation of their homeland by the Roman Empire in the years after the territory had become a direct province of the Empire. These protests were mainly instigated by and initially led by Jewish peasants who experienced the worst aspects of becoming a part of the larger Roman world.

The nature of the Republican constitution has been much contested by scholars studying the history of the Roman Republic. In considering the problems of the late Republic, the nature of the constitution is an important question, for if we do not understand what the constitution was, how can we explain Rome’s transition from ‘Republic’ to ‘Empire’? Such a question is particularly pertinent when looking at events at Rome following the assassination of Caesar, as we try to understand why it was that the Republic, as we understand it as a polity without a sole ruler, was not restored. This thesis examines the Roman understanding of the constitution in the aftermath of Caesar’s death and argues that for the Romans the constitution was a contested entity, its proper nature debated and fought over, and that this contest led to conflict on the political stage, becoming a key factor in the failure to restore the Republic and the establishment of the Second Triumvirate. The thesis proposes a new methodology for the examination of the constitution, employing modern critical theories of discourse and the formation of knowledge to establish and analyse the Roman constitution as a discursive entity: interpreted, contested and established through discourse. I argue that the Roman knowledge of the proper nature of the constitution of the res publica had fractured by the time of Caesar’s death and that this fracturing led to multiple understandings of the constitution. In this thesis I describe the state of Rome in 44-43 B.C. to reveal these multiple understandings of the constitution, and undertake an analysis of the discourse of Cicero and Sallust after 44 B.C. in order to describe the way in which different understandings of the constitution were formulated and expressed. Through this examination this thesis shows that the expression and interrelation of these multiple understandings in Roman political discourse made arrival at a unified agreement on a common course of action all but impossible and that this combined with the volatile atmosphere at Rome after Caesar’s death played a major role in Rome’s slide towards civil war and the eventual establishment of a different political system.