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The purpose of this thesis is to trace the constitutional methods by which stability was restored to the Roman Empire after the civil wars of the middle part of the third century. The core of the problem was the lack of any specific laws concerning the appointment of imperial successors and the predominance of the army in the politics of the period. During the first two centuries of the Christian era the hereditary principle, never recognized in law, had brought stability to the imperial succession but the emperor's fundamental role as commander-in-chief of the armies necessitated that the elective principle be invoked by the military in order to oppose the barbarian invasions. The failure of this system became manifest in the decline of imperial unity and indicated that a method had to be devised whereby the succession might become automatic and at the same time might ensure capable military leaders. By an investigation of the ancient literary sources, and especially those which record imperial propaganda, and to a lesser extent the legal codes, inscriptions, and coins, an attempt is made in this thesis to trace the restoration of stability in the imperial succession. This restoration was accomplished in two distinct stages. In the first Diocletian anticipated potential usurpers by associating them with himself in the imperial power. Diocletian's denial of hereditary right led to the downfall of his system, the Tetrarchy, but the restoration of imperial unity enabled the dynastic system to flourish in the second stage under Constantine and his successors. / Arts, Faculty of / Classical, Near Eastern and Religious Studies, Department of / Graduate

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How and why was imperial power made visually and physically manifest in two similar, contemporaneous megastates - the Roman Principate and Qin-Han China? Framing the Chinese and Roman material within such a question breaks it free from the web of expectations and assumptions in which conventional scholarship almost always situates it. It also builds upon the limited but promising work recently undertaken to study these two empires together in a comparative context. The purpose of this thesis is not to discover similarities and differences for their own sake; but, by discovering similarities and differences, to learn about the nature of imperial authority and prestige in each state. The comparative method compels us to appreciate the contingent - and sometimes frankly curious - nature of visual and artefactual phenomena that have traditionally been taken for granted; and both challenges and empowers us to access higher tier explanations and narratives. Roman expressions of power in visual terms are more public, more historical- biographical, and more political, while Qin-Han images and objects related to imperial authority are generally more private, generic and ritual in their nature. The Roman material emphasizes the notional complicity of large groups of people - the imperial subjects who viewed, crafted and often commissioned these works - in maintaining and defining the emperor's power. If the Han emperor's power was the product of complicity, it was the complicity of a small group of family members and courtiers - and of Heaven. These contrasting sets of power relationships connect to a concerted thematic focus, in the case of Rome, on the individual of the princeps; that is, the individual personage and particular achievements - especially military achievements - of the emperor. This focus is almost always taken for granted in Roman studies, but contrasts profoundly with the thematic disposition of Han artefacts of power: these reflect a concentrated disinterest in imperial personality altogether, emphasizing instead the imperial position; that is, both the office of emperor and a cosmic centrality. While this thesis reveals some arresting contrasts, it also harnesses the dichotomous orientations of Roman and Chinese archaeology to reveal that the conventional understanding of much of this material can be misleading or problematic. Many of the differences in the ways such images are usually interpreted have as much to do with the idiosyncrasies and path dependency of two fields - in short as much to do with the modern viewer - as they do with the images themselves and the traditions that produced them.

Ma thèse se concentre sur la question de la transformation de la pratique du banquet classique face, d’une part, à la nouvelle situation sociopolitique découlant de l’installation des royaumes dits successeurs et de la dissolution des structures politiques classiques ;et d’autre part, face à l’intensification de ce que l’on appelle communément la « christianisation » du monde romain. Mes recherches concernent le monde romain occidental (Gaule, Italie et Espagne) à partir du moment où le discours ascétique oriental se diffuse massivement en occident dans la seconde moitié du IVe siècle, mettant fin à ce que Robert Markus appelle le « christianisme antique ». La question principale de ma thèse concerne le discours chrétien et ascétique qui porte sur les questions alimentaires et les réponses données par les groupes sociaux dont l’usage du banquet classique est suffisamment documenté. En l’occurrence les aristocrates (en ce compris les évêques), les communautés cénobitiques et le mouvement anachorétique. La seconde question abordée dans mes recherches est celle posée par la présence « barbare » et l’image du mangeur barbare en ces siècles de transition socioculturelle. Le terminus ante quem de mes recherches se situe à la fin du VIe siècle, en un monde romain désormais indubitablement transformé.<p><p><p> <p>La mia tesi si incentra sulla questione della trasformazione della pratica classica del banchetto nel confronto, da una parte con la nuova situazione sociale e politica dovuta all’insediamento dei regni post-romani, e, dall’altra, con l’intensificazione della cosiddetta “cristianizzazione” del mondo romano. La tesi riguarda lo spazio romano occidentale (cioè Gallia, Italia, Spagna) a partire dal momento in cui si diffonde la grande moda dell’ascetismo orientale dalla seconda metà del IV secolo. La questione principale della tesi, che occupa i capitoli tre e quattro, riguarda il discorso cristiano e ascetico sull’alimentazione e poi le risposte date dai gruppi sociali il cui uso del banchetto è documentato a sufficienza, in fatti specie gli aristocratici, il mondo monastico, e gli eremiti. I due primi capitoli riguardano, rispettivamente, la pratica del banchetto classico nella tarda antichità e la questione della presenza “barbara” e dell’immagine del mangiatore barbaro in quei secoli. La conclusione della tesi si colloca alla fine del VI secolo, in un momento in cui il mondo romano è indubbiamente trasformato.<p><p><p>My doctoral thesis concentrates on the question of the transformation of the classical banquet through the encounter with, on the one hand, the new sociopolitical situation due to the migration and installation of the new successor kingdoms ;and on the other hand, with the intensification of the Christianization of the Roman world. My research focuses on the Western Roman world (Gaul, Italy and Spain) from the moment in which the eastern ascetic discourse spreads widely in the West in the second half of the 4th century, causing what Robert Markus calls “The end of Ancient Christianity”. The main question of my thesis regards the Christian and ascetic discourse on food practices and the answers given by the social groups who’s uses of the banquet is documented enough. In this case, the aristocrats (within which the bishops), the monastic communities and the hermits. The second question taken into consideration in my thesis is the one presented by the “barbarian” presence and the literary image of the barbarian eater in these centuries of socio cultural transformation. The terminus ante quem of my research is placed at the end of the 6th century, in a undoubtly transformed Roman world. / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished