This Thesis is titled The Energy Geopolitics of Russia and its main purpose is to analyze the energy geopolitics of Russia and the country's shifting energeopolitical pivot to Asia, especially to China. The Thesis is divided into three respective sections -- a theoretical approach, Russian geopolitics of energy, and one descriptive and exploratory case study. It strives to answer three main research questions considering Russia's shifting energeopolitical pivot, Ukraine crisis, and the development of Russia's foreign policy in regard to her energy geopolitics.

This thesis investigates the nature and impact of Russian influence on Russian-language print and broadcast news in Ukraine and Belarus. TV channels and publications with shareholders or partners in Russia are widely available in both the countries studied; existing literature suggests that such ‘Russian’ media are a source of regional power for the Kremlin. To shed light on how Russian partners and shareholders affect editorial treatment of Russia, the thesis compares content samples from 27 TV news bulletins and newspapers available in Ukraine or Belarus, some of which have Russian partners or shareholders while others do not. It also draws on in-depth interviews with 46 journalists and other media professionals. The thesis then compares the cases of Ukraine and Belarus to explain how political and economic conditions in a ‘target’ state affect the Russian authorities’ scope for communicating messages to mass audiences abroad via pro-Kremlin broadcasters. The findings of the thesis serve as a basis for assessing whether Russian news exports might contribute to Russian foreign policy success in the way envisaged by the literature on soft power. This research reveals complexities which have previously been overlooked in discussions about Russia’s media influence in the post-Soviet region. The news providers in Ukraine and Belarus which have Russian partners or shareholders are diverse and often vulnerable to constraints within their operating environment. Their utility as a source of soft power for the Kremlin is questionable, because the association between media and soft power is premised on public sentiments swaying foreign policy decisions. This premise is problematic, particularly in authoritarian Belarus. Pro-Kremlin Russian news exporters undoubtedly play a role in Moscow’s relations with Minsk and Kiev. However, their significance may lie at least as much in their capacity to provoke as their capacity to ‘softly’ attract and persuade a mass audience.

This thesis deals with the geopolitical aspects resulting from the increasing EU dependence on natural gas imports from the external suppliers. In addition to the investigation into he current situation of the EU market with natural gas, nature of major suppliers is explored, the thesis tries to identify the main risks to the security of supplies, especially the possibility of politically motivated supply disruption. From a broader perspective, it scrutinizes whether the natural gas market is driven by the market-based principles and regulated by international organizations (Market and Institutions scenario) or the bilateral relations between producer and consumer are the decisive factor (Regions and Empires scenario). Furthermore, the analysis of relevant documents issued by the EU institutions is also included and the thesis aims to assess the feasibility of the single 2 European external energy policy. Finally, the thesis includes two case-studies: the first one is dealing with energy relations between Russia and Belarus and Ukraine. The second one is dedicated to the Nord Stream gas pipeline project.

A liberal understanding of international politics is currently dominant. However, it is important to note that there are still states that have not adopted this understanding, yet, which brings complications here. The current clash of these two understandings, i.e. liberalism and realism, thus constantly forms the security environment. Probably the most obvious case of the present seems to be the case of Ukraine and the related Ukraine crisis. The aim of this diploma thesis is to give a picture of the causes of the Ukraine crisis in a broader context than is generally interpreted across individual media, using an offensive-realistic framework. The motives of the individual actors of the conflict, especially Russia, will be examined in an attempt to present those motives as not primarily offensive but to some extent as defensive. Several research questions will serve me to fulfil the above-mentioned goal - How can the main causes of the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine be explained from the perspective of offensive realism? According to offensive realism, what actor is responsible for the outbreak of conflict? In terms of offensive realism, how can the motives of the key actors (i.e. Russia, the West) be explained?

Användningen av cyberattacker mot organisationer, sjukvård och individer har ökat parallellt med digitaliseringen. Nationer har också blivit offer för dessa typer av attacker, som ofta kombineras med andra medel för krigföring såsom markanfall och missilattacker. En Cyber-Pearl Harbor (härefter förkortad CPH) är en term uppmärksammad av Leon Panetta som enligt honom består av kombinerade attacker som resulterar i mänsklig död, fysisk förstörelse och som lamslår en hel nation. Gazmend Huskaj använder sig av Panettas definition för utformande av ett ramverk (“DSLP-ramverket”) som är tänkt användas för att kunna klassificera en händelse som en CPH. Syftet med denna studie är att utforska om DSLP-ramverket kan valideras då termen har brukats de senaste 25 åren utan att en global definition tagit fäste, det är därför inte säkert att de kriterier som presenteras i ramverket överensstämmer med vad cybersäkerhetsexperter anser att en CPH är. Forskningsfrågan som utvecklades från denna studie blev följande: “Hur kan ramverket "DSLP-ramverk" från "Offensive Cyberspace Operations Targeting Ukraine: a Cyber Pearl-Harbor" (2023) valideras för klassificering av cyberattacker som Cyber Pearl-Harbor?”. En kvalitativ fallstudie genomfördes med en litteraturöversikt över termen CPH samt en semistrukturerad intervju där 3 experter utfrågades, vilket sedan analyserades via en tematisk analys. Som ett första steg för att besvara denna studies frågeställning applicerades ramverket på tre verkliga fall, detta för att avgöra huruvida dessa fall kan klassificeras som en CPH eller inte. Dessa tre verkliga fall var en attack mot en publik sjukvårdssektor i Costa Rica, ett TV-torn i Kiev, Ukraina samt dagligvarukedjan Coop i Sverige. Resultatet av valideringen av DSLP-ramverket var att endast fallet med TV-kornet i Kiev, Ukraina kunde klassificeras som en CPH. Den kognitiva effekten av eventet var dock inte förlamande nog att paralysera hela Ukraina, vilket gör klassificeringen diskutabel. Det andra steget bestod av en tematisk analys som gjordes på de tre experterna, vilket resulterade i skapandet av fyra huvudteman: Begreppets betydelse, Försvar mot Cyber-Pearl Harbor, Probabilitet och Kombinerade anfall. Följande slutsatser kom att dras i denna studie: Avsaknaden av en internationell/global standard gör det svårare att 1) göra upp om en gemensam definition av termen samt 2) klassificera en CPH i verklig kontext. Kombinationer av flera attacker och verktyg är en annan aspekt som understryks vid definiering av en CPH. Huruvida en CPH har skett eller inte varierar från expert till expert, och detsamma gäller probabiliteten för att en CPH kan ske i dagens kontext. Baserat på dessa slutsatser blir det svårt att validera DSLP-ramverket. Ytterligare forskning och data, intervjuer med experter och förtydligande behövs för att skapa en universell definition och därmed en gemensam grund att utgå ifrån. / The use of cyberattacks against organizations, health care and individuals have increased along with the constant digitalisation. Nations have also fallen victim to cyberattacks, often combined with other means of war like boots on the ground or missiles. A Cyber-Pearl Harbor (further shortened as CPH) is a term mentioned by Leon Panetta described in his words as “combined attacks that result in human death and physical destruction and that paralyzes an entire nation”. Gazmend Huskaj used Panettas definition in order to create a framework (“DSLP-framework”) for classifying an event as a CPH. This study strives to see if the DSLP-framework can be validated since the term has been widely used for the last 25 years, however a universal definition of the term seems to be missing, therefore it is not certain that the criterias presented in the framework is accurate to what cybersecurity experts consider a CPH to be. The research question developed from this study's problem became the following: “How can the framework “DSLP-Framework” from “Offensive Cyberspace Operations Targeting Ukraine: a Cyber Pearl-Harbor” (2023) be validated for classification of cyberattacks as Cyber Pearl-Harbor?”. A qualitative case study was conducted through a literature overview regarding the term CPH and a semistructured interview with three experts, which were later analyzed through a thematic analysis. As a first step to answering the research question, the framework was applied to three real life cases in order to determine whether or not they can be classified as a CPH. The following cases were an attack on a public health sector in Costa Rica, a TV-tower in Kyiv, Ukraine and the grocery company Coop in Sweden. The result from applying each case to the DSLP-framework was that only the case of the TV-tower in Kyiv could be classified as a CPH. However, the cognitive effects of the event were not crippling enough to paralyze the entirety of Ukraine, making the classification debatable. The second step was done through the use of thematic analysis on the interviews with the experts, in which four main themes were created: The meaning of the concept, Defense against Cyber-Pearl Harbor, Probability and Combined attacks. The following conclusions were drawn in this study: The absence of an international standard makes it harder to 1) conclude a common definition of the term and 2) classify a CPH in real context. The combinations of attacks and tools is another important aspect to highlight when defining a CPH. Whether a CPH has happened or not varies from expert to expert, and the same goes for the probability of a CPH occurring in today's context. Based on these conclusions, it is hard to validate the DSLP-framework. Further research and data, interviews with experts and clarification is needed in order to create a universal definition and therefore a common ground to start from.

The Russian-Ukrainian relationship is inherently complex. Since the end of the Cold War, there have been several defining moments in this relationship, which have contributed to how Russia perceives any potential challenges to its security. Securitising discourse from Russian political leadership, namely the President, offers an insight into what aspects of this relationship are escalated so extensively that extreme courses of action may be deemed necessary (i.e., a full-scale invasion of Ukraine). Drawing on Buzan et al. (1998), this project identifies the key sectors that Russia politicises, and those that it securitises vis-à-vis Ukraine. In addition, this study highlights the key sub-themes within politicisation and securitisation that were found within these sectors. This is all within a timeframe where relations have moved from comparatively stable to a time of war (February 2019 – February 2023). There is some degree of overlap between the themes politicised and securitised, especially across the military, political, societal, and economic sectors of security. There were no cases of securitisation within the environmental sector. Overall, this study found a significant shift in Russia’s securitisation framing of Ukraine from mid-2021 onwards.

This thesis concerns about the effectiveness of sanctions imposed between Russia and the EU in 2014. Firstly are conducted theoretical foundations of sanctions and their imposition from the EU as well as Russian contra-sanctions. Secondly, the analysis is based on the gravity model in trade in log-linear form and further develop out-of-sample estimations about trade potentials. Although trade potentials did not proved the expected decrease in exports from EU to Russia, the Input-Output analysis of impacts on exports of food products did so. Results yielded calculated impacts on GDP of various countries due to food embargo that are more or less comparable with the actual evolution of GDP and trade flows. Thirdly, the indirect effects of sanctions of third country effect and re-exports are observed from trade patterns. There has been recorded increased exports of food related products from the EU towards members of Euroasian Customs Union as well as increased imports from these countries to Russia. Finally, the results points out decreased economic activity of Russia due to depreciation of domestic currency, capital flight, decline in oil prices and also sanctions adding up to the problems the economy deals with. The economic impacts of sanctions are present in both parties. However, from the political view sanctions did not proved to be effective so far. Russian intervention in Ukraine territory is continuing.

SHAGIVALEEVA, Akime. EU Soft Power in the Eastern Partnership countries: the Case of Ukraine. 89 p. Mater thesis. Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of International Studies. Supervisor prof. Mgr. Eliška Tomalová, Ph.D. Abstract The thesis studies the EU as a soft power actor, seeking to analyse the way it is favouring soft power tools in its foreign policy, establishing the relations with the neighbouring countries and guaranteeing security across its borders. The research is aiming to prove that the soft power is a relevant approach and an effective foreign policy tool for the EU to persuade Eastern Partnership countries for closer cooperation. The topic is relevant for the EU security, prosperity and its role as a global political actor. The thesis makes a contribution to the debate, providing with the characterization of the theoretical concept of 'soft' and 'hard' power, description of the use of soft power by the EU, its sources and limits and the argumentation for the effectiveness and relevance of 'soft power' approach having studied how soft power sources are being applied. The thesis represents a qualitative research structured to investigate primarily the theoretical framework and further apply it onto the policy on regional level (Eastern Partnership states) and then more...

Diplomová práce se zabývá analýzou zahraničně-kulturní a vzdělávací politiky SRN s důrazem na vzdělávací sektor ve vztahu k Rusku během třetí vlády Angely Merkelové. Pozornost je věnována především klíčovým změnám a definici normativních, institucionálních a koncepčních rovin. Úvodní část práce se věnuje základnímu uvedení do tématu, stanovení cílů, tezí a výzkumných otázek. Dále je zde popsána metodologie a kritické zhodnocení pramenů a literatury. První kapitola teoreticky vymezuje analytické koncepty soft-power, civilní mocnost, geo- ekonomická mocnost a "Wir müssen kleine Brötchen backen", které umožňují podrobněji popsat zkoumanou oblast. V této části je také definována zahraničně-kulturní politika a její hlavní instrumenty. Druhá kapitola představující empirickou část diplomové práce se podrobně věnuje vzdělávacímu sektoru zahraničně-kulturní a vzdělávací politiky SRN ve vztahu k Rusku v letech 2013 až 2017. Skrze klíčové programy a projekty jsou rozebírány cíle, tematické okruhy, programové, koncepční a částečně i finanční změny zkoumané politiky. Třetí kapitola se věnuje analýze a vyhodnocení těchto změn. Kromě toho je věnována pozornost i kontinuitě ve vybraných oblastech a efektivnosti autorem zavedeného konceptu "Wir müssen kleine Brötchen backen". Následuje závěr práce, který shrnuje...

The amount of open-source information – that is, data, images, and footage that is openly available to the public - is growing exponentially. With it, so is the number of citizens analysing this data to form open-source intelligence (OSINT). Using the 2022 invasion of Ukraine as a case study, this study highlights the motivations behind the citizen OSINT analysts who are uncovering events on the frontline and verifying significant amounts of data from such events. Through interviews with 10 citizen OSINT analysts – all voluntarily contributing to OSINT in relation to the invasion of Ukraine, as well as other major OSINT projects – this study demonstrates the motivations behind this growing community. The findings reflect a new era of participation and advocacy and are a demonstration of self-determination theory. The findings demonstrate citizens’ sceptic views towards traditional media but also, that with a more analytical approach, with improved transparency and collaboration there is reason to be optimistic about the future of journalism and audience engagement.