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Cette étude concerne le bilinguisme, en particulier son aspect conflictuel qui est la diglossie. L'exemple choisi est le bilinguisme anglais-français au gouvernement rwandais (1994-2008), le terme 'a quo' en étant le début, et celui 'ad quem' la fin officielle. Il s'agit de voir si ce bilinguisme ne recelait pas quelque forme de diglossie même si les deux LWC (Languages of Wider Communication) étaient théoriquement sur un même pied. Dans l'affirmative, cela constituerait une première mention explicite de ce phénomène dans la sphère d'utilisation 'H', du moins selon nos connaissances, et c'est là l'intérêt scientifique de la recherche. Par ailleurs, une telle situation contiendrait sans doute des germes de divisionnisme dans l'élite rwandaise, les utilisateurs de l'une des deux langues se croyant supérieurs à ceux de l'autre, fait qu'il faut pointer du doigt à l'attention des décideurs, ce qui traduit l'intérêt social de la recherche qui recourt à l'approche qualitative. Ainsi donc, le chapitre 1 fait la synthèse des théories sur le bilinguisme. Le chapitre 2 définit les cadres géographique, ethnographique et ethnohistorique de la recherche, tous ces éléments concourant à mener à la problématique. En effet, deux principales composantes de la population rwandaise entretiennent une haine interethnique séculaire que la colonisation occidentale exacerba au début du 20eme siècle, d'abord en cautionnant et en aggravant la ségrégation du groupe dominant, ensuite en changeant son fusil d'épaule pour aider les opprimés à se libérer. L'inéluctable conflagration eut lieu en 1959. Ce fut le début de l'exode à différents moments d'une partie des anciens oppresseurs qui ne désarmèrent pas néanmoins. Ils réussirent à reprendre le pouvoir en 1994 dans un bain de sang sans nom. Étant principalement anglophile1, le noyau décideur des nouveaux maîtres imposa l'anglais comme LWC officielle à côté du français légué par la colonisation occidentale : c'était le début du bilinguisme A-F, objet de cette étude. Le chapitre 3 montre comment ce noyau assit son pouvoir d'une main de fer tout en accentuant de plus en plus les effets diglossiques de ce bilinguisme particulièrement étudié dans les chapitres 4 et 5. L'analyse conclut à l'existence effective de la diglossie A > F (intérêt scientifique) et de ses germes divisionnistes qui pourraient conduire à un conflit plus complexe que l'habituelle bipolarisation ethnique puisque, ajoutant le fait linguistique à ses causes, il serait multipolaire, des membres de chaque ethnie se retrouvant dans chaque camp (intérêt social).

Le travail explore et démontre le pourquoi de la persistance de la pauvreté des femmes en Afrique post-conflit. Le cas d'étude est celui des Femmes rwandaises chefs de ménages dans leurs tentatives d'accès au microcrédit, considéré jusqu'ici comme outil de réduction de la pauvreté. Les conséquences du génocide de 1994 au Rwanda a contraint beaucoup de femmes et de filles à se prendre en charge socialement et économiquement. Cependant dans une société toujours patrilinéaire, les obstacles sont nombreux. Malgré que le microcrédit existe, il ne dépasse pas non plus les inégalités de genre enracinées dans la culture rwandaise. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (LLD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Human rights denials have more characterised Rwandan history than their promotion and protection. When the Rwandan State emerged from Tutsi domination and colonialism, many Rwandans hoped that the era of liberty had at least dawned. But the reality has been a total disappointment and replicas of earlier abuses have emerged, despite the ratification by Rwanda of most international human rights instruments. This dissertation is premised on the assumption that Rwanda has failed as a democratic constitutional State, and the whole socio-economic-political system has gone wrong. Chapter one argues that disequilibrium was built into the Rwandan system before colonisation and evangelisation. There was a 'consensus' that Tutsis were a superior minority race, able to govern and dominate, well organised and accepted by their Hutu subjects. The colonists and the Catholic Church exploited this injustice for their indirect rule. In a world evolving towards the international human rights system, this had a very precarious foundation in Rwanda. Indeed, poor management of changes due to evangelisation, education and market economy led to the denial of human dignity. It exacerbated division in favour of Hutus rather than reinforcing national unity. Chapter two considers the Hutu regime as a failure of a democratic constitutional State in the postcolonial era, despite the promise to serve the interests of all Rwandans through democracy and respect for human rights. In a one-party State, a handful of Hutus have monopolised power and resources. The institutional infrastructure for the management of the State and protection of human rights was set up to safeguard the interests of the ruling group only and oppress the rest of the population. The Hutu government, particularly, took revenge on Tutsis that they killed, forced into exile and denied access to public affairs. Hutu opponents, real or imaginary, and people from other regions than that of the President were also denied such access. Separation of powers was purposely just a theory, whence a non-independent judiciary, interference of the executive in the functioning of other branches of government and abuse of legislative power became the reality. In order to perpetuate the ruling group's hegemony, civil society was hindered, while states of emergency were used to deny the right to life, liberty and the security of the person. Many other rights were also denied regardless of whether the denial was a legacy of the past or just a result of the undemocratic nature of the State and the underdevelopment of the country. The Hutu regime's failure to promote national unity resulted in a genocide which took the lives of many Tutsis and Hutus. Whereas the current Tutsi government presented itself as committed to democracy and human rights, Chapter three argues that it was a mutatis mutandis replica of the Hutu rule. Indeed, the State system and resources have been captured by a group of Tutsis while other Tutsis have been left without hope and Hutus have become second-class citizens, whence justice and national unity are in jeopardy. By avoiding to tackle the fundamental issue of nation-statehood, the United Nations have failed to maintain peace and security. The failure to condemn Ugandan aggression against Rwanda, the forced repatriation of refugees, and the non-prosecution of Tutsis involved in crimes against humanity have proved the demise of international law and the maintenance of the culture of impunity in Rwanda. The author nonetheless argues that respect for human rights and establishment of the rule of law are still possible through a process of reconciliation and reconstruction. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van Rwanda word meer deur die miskenning van menseregte as erkenning en beskerming daarvan gekenmerk. Toe die Rwandese Staat onder Tutsi oorheersing en kolonialisme uit verrys, het baie Rwandese gehoop dat die tydperk van vryheid ten minste aangebreek het, maar die werklikheid was algeheel teleurstellend en weergawes van vroeëre misbruike het weer tevore getree, ten spyte daarvan dat Rwanda die meeste internasionale werktuie vir menseregte bekragtig het. Hierdie verhandeling berus op die aanname dat Rwanda as 'n demokratiese grondwetlike staat misluk het en dat die sosio-ekonomies-politieke stelsel geheel-en-al verkeerd geloop het. Hoofstuk een argumenteer dat 'n wanbalans voor die kolonisasie en evangelisasie van die land reeds in die Rwandese stelsel ingebou is. Daar was 'konsensus' waarvolgens Tutsis beskou is as 'n superieure minderheidsras wat in staat was om te regeer en te oorheers, wat goed georganiseer was en deur hul Hutu onderdane aanvaar is. Die koloniste en die Katolieke Kerk het hierdie onreg ten voordeel van hul indirekte heerskappy uitgebuit. In 'n wêreld wat op pad was na 'n internasionale menseregtestelsel was die grondslag wat hiervoor in Rwanda gelê is uiters onseker. Swak bestuur van veranderinge wat deur evangelisasie, opvoeding en 'n mark-ekonomie teweeggebring is, het in werklikheid tot miskenning van menseregte gelei. Dit het skeiding tot voordeel van die Hutus vererger, eerder as om nasionale eenheid te versterk. Hoofstuk twee kyk na die Hutu regime as 'n mislukte demokratiese konstitusionele staat in die postkoloniale era, ten spyte van die belofte om die belange van alle Rwandese deur demokrasie en eerbied vir menseregte te dien. In die eenpartystaat het 'n handjievol Hutus die mag en hulpbronne gemonopoliseer. Die institusionele infrastruktuur vir die bestuur van die Staat is opgestel om die belange van die heersersgroep te beveilig en die res van die bevolking te onderdruk. Die Hutu regering het hul veralop Tutsis gewreek deur hulle te vermoor, tot ballingskap te dryf en hul toegang tot openbare sake te weier. Hutu teenstanders, werklik of vermeend, en mense vanaf ander streke as die waarvan die President afkomstig was, is ook van sodanige toegang weerhou. Die verspreiding van mag was doelbewus niks meer as teoreties nie, vandaar die nie-onafhanklikheid van die regbank, inmenging by die funksionering van ander vertakkings van die regering deur die uitvoerende gesag en die misbruik van die wetgewende gesag. In die poging om die regerende groep se hegemonie te bestendig, is die burgerlike samelewing belemmer en is daar van noodtoestande gebruik gemaak om die reg tot lewe, vryheid en die veiligheid van die persoon aan te tas. Baie ander regte is ook geweier, ongeag of die weiering daarvan as gevolg van die nalatenskap van die verlede of die ondemokratiese aard van die Staat en die onderontwikkeldheid van die land moontlik was. Die feit dat die Hutu regering ten opsigte van die bevordering van nasionale eenheid misluk het, het gelei na In menseslagting wat die lewens van vele Tutsis en Hutus geëis het. Terwyl die huidige Tutsi regering homself as verbonde tot demokrasie en menseregte voordoen, argumenteer Hoofstuk drie dat die regering bloot 'n mutatis mutandi weergawe van die Hutu regering is. In werklikheid is die staatsisteem en die hulpbronne deur 'n groep Tutsis gebuit, die res van die Tutsis is sonder hoop gelaat en die Hutus is tot tweederangse burgers gemaak, wat vrede en sekuriteit in gevaar stel. Met die ontwyking van die grondliggende kwessie van nasieskap, het die Verenigde Volke ten opsigte van die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit gefaal. Die onvermoë om Uganda se aggressie teenoor Rwanda te verdoem, die gedwonge repatriasie van vlugtelinge en die gebrek aan vervolging van Tutsis wat skuldig is aan misdade teen die mensheid het die afstanddoening van internasionale wetgewing en die ondersteuning van die kultuur van straffeloosheid in Rwanda bewys. Desnieteenstaande argumenteer die skrywer dat respek vir menseregte en die instelling van regsoewereiniteit nog steeds deur middel van 'n proses van versoening en heropbouing in Rwanda moontlik gemaak kan word.

Being involved in soccer in Rwanda at both national and international level exposes soccer players to the risk of injury. The aim of this study was to identify common soccer injuries among the 1st and 2nd division soccer teams in Rwanda and to establish the need for physiotherapy intervention. This deals with the first two stages of injury prevention, which included identification and description of the extent of the problem and the identification of factors and mechanisms that play a part in the occurrence of injuries.

Being involved in soccer in Rwanda at both national and international level exposes soccer players to the risk of injury. The aim of this study was to identify common soccer injuries among the 1st and 2nd division soccer teams in Rwanda and to establish the need for physiotherapy intervention. This deals with the first two stages of injury prevention, which included identification and description of the extent of the problem and the identification of factors and mechanisms that play a part in the occurrence of injuries.

The genocide of April 1994 left the Rwandan society completely ruined and the survivors totally disoriented with numerous problems ranging from material deprivation to bodily and psychological injuries. As in other conflicts, especially in Africa, women and children were the most affected by the Rwandan genocide; consequently Rwanda has a sizeable number of widows and orphans. After the genocide, Rwanda witnessed an influx of many non-governmental organizations, which came with the aim to help the Rwandans in general, and genocide survivors in particular, as part of a program to put the Rwandan society back on its feet. Rwanda claims to be overwhelmingly a Christian nation, which theoretically gives the Christian community in Rwanda a prominent hand in all efforts of rebuilding the Rwandan society. This work therefore, is a Case Study, which seeks to investigate the role of Christian Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in responding to the needs of genocide widows residing in Kigali-Ville province-Rwanda. The study thus aims to assess efforts of the above-cited Christian NGOs and highlights their success and shortcomings in the light of a Christian model of understanding and responding to human needs. The investigation also surveys the background to the genocide. It focuses on the interpretation of the history of the people of Rwanda, the role impact of the colonial rule and Christian missionaries, and the role of the civil war of early 1990s. The study also investigates the plight of genocide widows from fives angles: economic loss, personal and social relationships, bodily injuries, psychological damage and spiritual welfare. The assessment was carried out through the analysis of the data collected mainly from selected Christian NGOs, genocide widows, churches, and written materials. The paradigm used to critically analyze the response of Christian NGOs has stemmed out of a body of literature that focuses on Christian response to human need, with particular emphasis on the distinctiveness of the Rwandan context. The findings, conclusion, recommendations of this study are of cardinal significance not only to Christian NGOs operating in Kigali-Ville province but also to other groups involved in the ministry to the needy in other parts of Rwanda and beyond her boundaries. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.N.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.

Thesis (MTech (Business Administration (Entrepreneurship))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017. / Given good conditions, women can run businesses, support their families and the community, and contribute to economic growth. The lack of women’s involvement in entrepreneurship is a huge loss to the nation and society. Women make up 51.83% of the population in Rwanda, but are underrepresented in business – largely due to social customs, religion, and cultural beliefs. Society perceives women as too weak to conduct business, and prefers them to be confined to housekeeping activities and dependency on men. Interestingly, literature indicates that involving women in entrepreneurial activities help. Despite this, women in Rwanda have broken the barrier and started up business. However, they face many challenges; their businesses remain small scale compared to their counterparts. The aim of this study is to determine the challenges experienced by women entrepreneurs in Kigali. This research is significant because it attempts to identify the challenges to entrepreneurship in Kigali, by allowing the voices of women entrepreneurs to be heard. The study uses a quantitative descriptive approach. The target population was women in formal and informal business in the districts of Gasabo, Kicukiro, and Nyarugenge in the city of Kigali. A self-administered structured questionnaire was used to obtain data from 398 women entrepreneurs after obtaining their informed written consent. The data was analysed using recent Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) version 24. Findings were interpreted and discussed in a numerical narrative featuring frequency, percent, valid percent, cumulative percent, mean, and standard deviation. The results show that women entrepreneurs in Kigali experience more challenges, among others including: High shop rentals, lack of start-up capital, lack of collateral to obtain a loan, high taxes, high interest rate and high transport, and a lack of information technology skills. This study has uncovered that women entrepreneurs face a lot of challenges while running their business in Kigali. Fortunately, the solution is within reach. For instance, women entrepreneurs themselves, family, society, government, stakeholder, and researchers should work together to eradicate these challenges. Women entrepreneurs should work together in cooperatives to minimise shop rentals, possible access to capital and so forth. In addition, they can leverage their experience and know-how.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished