No description available.

No description available.

Abstract not available

A meta-analysis was conducted to determine the effects of conceptual and operational differences in complexly diverse framing problems. Many researchers have explored the effects of framing, at first finding clear and strong results consistent with Tversky and Kahneman's framing effect. Recently, and with increasing frequency, framing studies report apparently inconsistent or null results. Other researchers have acknowledged this general trend toward inconsistency and smaller effect sizes in the framing literature. The current research, based on over 50,000 participants from 128 published reports included 286 effect sizes indicate that the size of the framing effect overall is small to moderate in size. The problems used in framing studies have become less homogeneous and more complex over the years, resulting in great diversity among framing definitions, operationalizations, and dependent variables to such an extent that reported framing effects may or may not reflect the same phenomenon. The present study explored the magnitude of the framing effect based on a typology of structural differences in framing problems. Results indicate that important determinants of the size of the framing effect include the location of the frame manipulation in the decision, the length of the problem, problem domain, decision task, equivalency of frames, methodological variations, and gender.

A working premise of the present research asserts that to effectively monitor the social environment for relational value cues requires people to exert controlled self-regulatory efforts. Thus, it was hypothesized that monitoring for such relational cues would consume the self's regulatory resources, consequently leading to an impairment of people's ability to engage in subsequent regulatory activity. Moreover, it was predicted that when regulatory resources become depleted because of recent acts of self-regulation people would be less effective at monitoring the environment for relational cues. In line with predictions, the data from the first two experiments indicated that self-regulatory resources are depleted when people monitor the social environment for cues that connote their relational value. In addition, consistent with the second hypothesis, the results from Experiment 3 showed that the capacity to monitor the social environment for complex compared to simple forms of relational value cues is negatively impacted by the prior depletion of the self's regulatory resources. To extend Experiment 3's findings, Experiment 4 was designed to directly examine monitoring capacity in the context of a social interaction, with the results showing that insofar as the self's limited resources become depleted by recent acts of self-regulatory activity, people are less effective at monitoring the environment for relational value cues. The findings from across the 4 studies suggest an important mechanism that relates broadly to the effective functioning of interpersonal processes and specifically, to the capacity to successfully navigate social relations. More precisely, these studies provide consistent evidence that establishes an integrative relationship between the self's regulatory resources and people's capacity to accurately monitor the social environment for cues that indicate their relational value to others. Ultimately, the current evidence sheds light on research that relates to people's metaperceptions of how they are viewed by others, and it may help to partially explain prior research that shows people are less effective at self-presentation when regulatory resources are depleted.

In this paper, we examine whether relational mobility and historical pathogen prevalence on a country level relates to an individual’s willingness or ability to restrict movement in response to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, both together an individually. We use data on geographic mobility compiled from geolocation data on mobile phones to examine aggregate changes in geographic mobility at the country-level at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, compared with a pre-pandemic baseline. We find that countries high in relational mobility showed a greater decrease in geographic mobility than countries low in relational mobility following the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and stay-at-home orders. We also find that low pathogen prevalence at the country level was associated with increased case growth as well as decreased geographic mobility in response to the onset of the pandemic. These effects can be shown to work in tandem, with nations both high in relational mobility and low in pathogen prevalence being particularly able to reduce geographic mobility in response to pandemic conditions. These results suggest that increased flexibility in social relationships in high relational mobility nations may have enabled individuals to decrease geographic mobility in response to worsening pandemic conditions. This relational flexibility may be particularly important in environments low in pathogen prevalence when responding to pandemic viruses.

A core feature of organized societies is the existence of power relations, so that some people are in a position to control the outcomes of other people. Yet, the stability of the power structure depends on the reactions of the powerless toward the power imbalance. Within the framework of control motivation, these reactions could be conceptualized in terms of control deprivation and control restoration. However, we suggest that, in social situations, subjective control feelings do not mirror the objective partition of power. Three experiments show that the powerless derive their feelings of personal control from the social categorization of the powerful others, leading to vicarious feelings of control when those in power are perceived as ingroup members. Results are discussed in terms of both Social Identity Theory and the heuristic value of control motivation for exploring the neglected question of intergroup power relations.

Two experiments investigated the extent to which the discovery of a previously-concealed stigma leads to stereotyped versus individuated impressions. Because such a discovery temporarily renders a known target unpredictable, perceivers should be motivated to incorporate the stigma into their existing impressions; attention to stigma-consistent attributes, which are largely redundant with the stigma, should accomplish that goal most quickly. This more stereotype-based impression process, however, should be undercut by interdependence between perceiver and target. Interdependence should lead to more individuated impression processes, as manifested by increased attention to stigma-inconsistent attributes. In each experiment, subjects were either interdependent or nondependent with a fictitious fellow subject whose stigma either was discovered before or after perceivers' initial impressions had formed. Subjects commented into a tape-recorder about the fictitious target's attributes, some of which were stigma-inconsistent and some of which were stigma-consistent. Experiment 1 subjects also commented about stigma-irrelevant attributes. In general, results supported predictions. Relative to subjects who discovered the stigma early, subjects who needed to incorporate the stigma into existing impressions increased attention to stigma-consistent information. This latter group also drew more dispositional inferences about stigma-consistent information, which reflected their attempts to determine how the stigma fit the target's true disposition. In addition, interdependence promoted more individuating processes via increased attention to and dispositional inferences about stigma-inconsistent attributes, even when the stigma was discovered late. The generalizability of these findings, impression updating versus impression formation, and the behavioral consequences of stigma-discovery in real-world situations are discussed.

Although past studies have documented an inverse relationship between Rorschach judgments and patient socioeconomic status, a variety of confounding factors, from inexperienced clinicians to inconsistencies in the stimulus materials, made both the results and their accurate interpretation problematic. In addition, no studies of adult protocols have been undertaken since the ubiquitous spread of the Exner scoring system this past decade, a spread in part spurred by the hope of reducing subjective interpretation errors. In assessing the relationship between Rorschach interpretation and patient socioeconomic class, the present study attempts to resolve prior methodological problems and more accurately reflect current clinical practice. To this end a diagnostically ambiguous completed Rorschach protocol--including verbatim transcript, Exner scores, structural summary, percentages and ratios--was constructed and disguised to suggest an authentic adult protocol from a psychiatric facility. The demographic facesheet and the verbatim transcript were varied to represent two distinct socioeconomic classes (upper middle class, represented by a well-educated architect; and lower/working class, represented by a construction worker who did not complete high school). Otherwise, the protocols were identical. The two protocols were randomly distributed to experienced Rorschach testers who had good familiarity with the Exner scoring system. Accompanying the protocols was a three-page questionnaire soliciting responses regarding a variety of diagnostic and treatment issues. T-tests for socioeconomic status were performed on the 31 usable questionnaires, resulting in significant findings for subject inferences on intelligence, conventionality of thought, aspiration/achievement orientation, moral/ethical sensibility, and dangerousness to others. In all cases, the lower socioeconomic protocol was judged more negatively. Additional trends and anomalies are presented and discussed here, particularly with an eye to elucidating the complex issue of whether subject inferences represent class bias or reality expectation. Additional social psychological research on perceptual error and stereotyping is examined to enlarge the interpretive basis for explaining the significant data.

No description available.