<p> A current, widespread review of undergraduate college students revealed that a majority experienced more than average levels of stress in the past year (ACHA-NCHA, 2017). Specifically, psychosocial stress is a top concern, as college students must forge interpersonal relationships with peers, roommates, romantic partners and faculty members, leaving students susceptible to detrimental effects on their well-being (Powers, Laurent, Gunlicks-Stoessel, Balban, &amp; Bent, 2016; Lee &amp; Jang, 2015; Lewandowski, Mattingly &amp; Pedreiro, 2014; Zhang, 2012). </p><p> Despite the availability of on-campus counseling and student support services, many students do not obtain the skills necessary to manage stress. Research suggests that the ability to self-regulate and respond empathetically can mitigate psychosocial stress (Pepping et al., 2014; Taylor et al., 2013). Moreover, research has shown that that mindfulness is a countering agent to emotional dysregulation (Pepping et al., 2014). </p><p> There has been increasing evidence that yoga and yogic practice are highly influential in the facilitation of self-regulation (Sauer-Zavala, Walsh, Eisenlohr-Moul, &amp; Lykins, 2013). Furthermore, it is believed that yoga-based mindfulness can assist in effectively managing stress and in yielding positive effects on one&rsquo;s ability to self-regulate (Morone et al., 2012; Keng &amp; Tong, 2016; Friese &amp; Hofmann, 2016). </p><p> The purpose of this study is to garner a greater understanding of yoga&rsquo;s role in facilitating self-regulation and to explore effectiveness of yoga-based mindfulness on reducing the levels of psychosocial stress in college students. Following an experimental study the relationships between psychosocial stress, self-regulation, mindfulness, empathy and yoga will be examined.</p><p>

<p> A current, widespread review of undergraduate college students revealed that a majority experienced more than average levels of stress in the past year (ACHA-NCHA, 2017). Specifically, psychosocial stress is a top concern, as college students must forge interpersonal relationships with peers, roommates, romantic partners and faculty members, leaving students susceptible to detrimental effects on their well-being (Powers, Laurent, Gunlicks-Stoessel, Balban, &amp; Bent, 2016; Lee &amp; Jang, 2015; Lewandowski, Mattingly &amp; Pedreiro, 2014; Zhang, 2012). </p><p> Despite the availability of on-campus counseling and student support services, many students do not obtain the skills necessary to manage stress. Research suggests that the ability to self-regulate and respond empathetically can mitigate psychosocial stress (Pepping et al., 2014; Taylor et al., 2013). Moreover, research has shown that that mindfulness is a countering agent to emotional dysregulation (Pepping et al., 2014). </p><p> There has been increasing evidence that yoga and yogic practice are highly influential in the facilitation of self-regulation (Sauer-Zavala, Walsh, Eisenlohr-Moul, &amp; Lykins, 2013). Furthermore, it is believed that yoga-based mindfulness can assist in effectively managing stress and in yielding positive effects on one&rsquo;s ability to self-regulate (Morone et al., 2012; Keng &amp; Tong, 2016; Friese &amp; Hofmann, 2016). </p><p> The purpose of this study is to garner a greater understanding of yoga&rsquo;s role in facilitating self-regulation and to explore effectiveness of yoga-based mindfulness on reducing the levels of psychosocial stress in college students. Following an experimental study the relationships between psychosocial stress, self-regulation, mindfulness, empathy and yoga will be examined.</p><p>

<p> The purpose of this research was to investigate how knowledge of <b> biological ecosystems</b> affects individual recognition of humanity as part of and subject to the laws of nature. This dissertation interrogated the question of how awareness of the impact of <b>human overpopulation </b> on the environment was perceived by research participants. That expanding human population growth, and its inherent consumption patterns, is a root cause of virtually every human-related <b>environmental threat</b> is documented in the existing literature but awareness and accountability for this remain limited. Using <b>ecopsychology</b> and <b>analytical psychology</b> as a theoretical framework, this multiple case study investigated how and whether environmental awareness might be impacted by personal knowledge of how ecosystems function in nature. </p><p> A multiple case study design was used to interview 10 adults on their perspectives of the environmental impact of human population growth. The participants were purposefully selected creating two five-person groups. Group S had life-science academic training and work experience; Group NS had none. A researcher-generated instrument of 30 open-ended questions, with recorded interviews were used to ascertain participant understanding of ecological laws and population biology concepts and how they might relate to personal worldviews on the cause(s) of environmental issues. </p><p> Thematic analysis was used to code data and identify response patterns. Findings suggested participants with working knowledge of ecosystems demonstrated more extensive understanding of the impact of human actions, including population growth, on the environment. Although widespread awareness existed in both groups that human alienation from nature is prevalent and is having environmental consequences, Group S subjects more often recognized the systemic environmental effects of human activity. They were inclined to advocate for individual responsibility and consciousness-raising. </p><p> Support for core concepts of ecopsychology is suggested by the findings. Strengthening the human-nature bond to one of inclusiveness using experiential education is a viable option to promote greater ecological awareness and personal accountability. Additional data-driven research is needed to investigate the effects of life science literacy and holistic systems thinking on pro-environmental awareness.</p><p>

This study examines part of the complex area of adolescent occupational interests and some of the psychological and sociological factors influencing these interests. Two groups of urban high school girls from areas of presumably differing socio-economic status are compared on the basis of scores made by the girls at grade IX level on the Lee-Thorpe Occupational Interest Inventory (Intermediate Form, 1956 Revision). The groups were unstratified with respect to type of high school "program" followed, ability, or achievement, and included fifty-three girls of one area and fifty-six of the other, all of whom had been routinely tested on the Lee-Thorpe in their grade IX year. The Lee-Thorpe scores were examined for probable relationship to socio-economic status, to choice of "University" or "General" programme in high school, and to scholastic ability. Possible stability of occupational interests at the grade IX level was tested. Additional data regarding the groups were summarized, and background differences in national origin, parental occupation and educational level, size of students' families, cultural and other opportunities and activities, were examined. Course choice comparisons of the two groups were tabulated and found to be indicative of considerable difference in the use made of courses offered. The two groups showed wide variety and differing degrees of participation in extra-curricular activities both in school and out. The hypothesis that occupational interests of high school girls are significantly related to psycho-sociological factors operant in the area where the students live, was confirmed for the fields of "Business" and "Artistic" interests. Choice of basic high school programme (University or General) and scholastic ability appeared not to influence occupational interests as a whole. Among the "University Programme" girls in both groups, significant relationships between socio-economic status and interest were apparent. A significant relationship between measured intelligence and socio-economic status was also found. Reliability of the Lee-Thorpe Inventory used at the grade IX level, and stability of girls' occupational interests at this age were tested. High correlations between test and re-test scores (after a five-month interval) were obtained, and stability of occupational interests at this level amply confirmed by the results. Findings of this study appear to agree with other studies in the field although a considerable lack of adequate research on the occupational interests of high school girls was discovered. Many areas for further and more accurate research were indicated. / Education, Faculty of / Graduate

In ordinary discourse the terms 'need' and 'want' are often interchanged and it is therefore necessary, in an analysis of the concept of need, to examine the term 'want' and to enquire into its relation to 'need'. In human behaviour the usual indicator of wanting is trying to get. Although some things are wanted for themselves, a thing is usually wanted for a purpose. When that which is wanted is an object, the want, or desire, can be expressed generally as 'wanting x for y' or 'wanting x in order to y'. We can also want objectives, the general expression of which is either 'wanting to x' or 'wanting that x'. 'Wanting to' depends to some extent upon 'able to' for its significance. If there is no possibility of doing, we can only wish we could act or we hope for a certain state of affairs. For various reasons our wanting may not issue in attempting to get. Conflict is intrinsic to the nature of desires, necessitating a choice of satisfactions. Our limited resources are another factor. Choices also have to be made between what we want and what we want to avoid. Due to our capacity for language we can mediate between conflicting wants and restrain ourselves from trying to get what we want. We can convert our desires into plans. Although we usually want x because we think it will be enjoyable or lead to something else that will be, sometimes x is wanted because of moral considerations. We arrange our wants into a hierarchy determined, to some extent, by our beliefs concerning obligation. When we look into the relation between 'wanting' and 'needing' we find that our way of expressing both is similar: we 'want/need x in order to y'. However, since we do not need everything we want, the terms must be distinguished. We also differentiate between needs in general and 'human needs'. Of the human needs the biological ones have been most accurately defined, although within broad limits. Conclusions about psychological needs are more tentative and usually involve a premise that requires scrutiny: the assumption that all human behaviour is a response to some need. When we examine the evidence for an alleged need - the need for identity - we find there are serious problems in defining it and when we consider an activity such as mountain climbing, or picture-buying, we are led to question the usefulness of a theory which claims to relate all human activity to a need. The conclusion arrived at is that the lists of categorical needs produced by the social sciences are given an absoluteness which is unwarranted. Need theory largely ignores the distinctions of ordinary discourse between wanting and needing and at the same time fails to take sufficient notice of the human activity of endowing things and states of affairs with value. The goals of physical and mental health are only two of many goals which we may pursue. Also modifying the need-behaviour equation is the acceptance of moral principles which impose prohibitions on our behaviour. Thus both value and need are terms required in an adequate account of human behaviour and in many instances explanations in terms of need-reduction are redescriptions of goal-seeking. Since value and obligation must be given a prominent role in the account of human behaviour, the question arises as to whether a normative definition of human need is possible. Any answer given must take into consideration the various ways in which our values, and consequently our needs, are socially determined. Not only do different cultures have different concepts of need, but the concept also varies from one sub-culture to the next. What is needed depends to a considerable extent on what is 'normal' behaviour and this concept is extremely variable since each culture develops only a small segment of potential behaviour and ignores or represses other possibilities. If cross-cultural normality could be defined it would presumably show how whole cultures deviate from the normal, but the problem is that before we can define normality we need the concept to determine which behaviour is relevant to the definition and which must be excluded as abnormal. Even if we confine ourselves to our own society, normality is usually described in terms of adjustment to the group. But to which of the sub-cultures should the individual adjust? And what is a good adjustment? Perhaps society needs adjusting as well as the individual. Answers to these questions require value judgments and until some agreement is reached on them, any definition of human need is provisional. / Arts, Faculty of / Philosophy, Department of / Graduate

Observers to a conflict are heavily influenced by their liking for the people involved in the conflict. When the difference in liking for the people in conflict is large, this bias can prevent the observer from taking both perspectives, especially when motivated to be fair. Two studies investigated naive realism as a possible explanation for why the liking bias is so difficult to overcome. Naive realism is our tendency to overestimate the extent to which our own perceptions are an objective representation of reality. Study 1 provided support for the hypothesis that, consistent with naive realism, people believe their construals of a conflict are unbiased and objective. Even when liking was experimentally manipulated, people remained largely unaware of its biasing effects. Study 2 tested the efficacy of two new debiasing strategies designed to circumvent naive realism: Informing people about the liking bias, and asking people to generate alternate explanations for negative behaviors. As expected, informing people about the liking bias did not reduce bias. Contrary to expectations, neither did generating alternative explanations.

This study investigated meanings ascribed to "American Identity" and how they relate to identity in general. The sample was 326 Black ( n = 79), Latino (n = 189), and White (n = 58) college students residing in Miami, Florida. The meanings of American Identity were based on four qualitative questions which were coded thematically: characteristics that define the typical American, characteristics that describe how one is American, qualities that make one not American, and degree to which one feels American. Chi-squares indicated few differences in defining American identity. Ethnic minorities (M = 61.56, SD = 28.05) felt less American than Whites (M = 74.09, SD = 24.35) and that, regardless of their citizenship, they are not perceived as Americans. Hierarchical linear regressions revealed that a stronger ethnic identity was related to feeling less American (β = -.17, p < .05). For Latinos, heritage culture was related to less positive responses to overall qualities of American identity and the extent to which they felt American (respectively, β = -.75, p <.05 and β = -.16, p <.01). For Blacks, stronger orientation toward interdependence was related to less positive evaluation overall traits that make one an American, (β = -.18, p <.05). Responses suggested that participants believe that, to be American, one must sacrifice a connection to family and community. Personal identity was the most consistent predictor of American identity (β = .14, p < .05). A secure sense of self seems to help young people make sense of their social world and manage difficult choices about their identity.

In line with research in psychology and communication, it was hypothesized that individuals most likely to watch television and movies for escape and self-enhancement might be individuals who hold negative or anxious views of self. Results of a questionnaire study suggest that indeed, for young women in particular, lower self-esteem and increased body concerns are associated with increased transportation into media programs and increased connections with favorite characters. Results from a lab study indicate that identifying with an idealized character may influence implicit views of self and body image. Instructions to identify rather than contrast the self with an idealized character facilitated the association of self with positive words in a reaction time task. However, this effect was most pronounced for individuals low in body anxiety. Individuals high in body anxiety appear less willing to contrast the self with an idealized icon. This finding is explained in terms of chronic identification tendencies of anxious individuals, which may inhibit realistic appraisal processes. Ultimately, findings shed light on the reinforcing mechanisms that may keep vulnerable individuals enamored of potentially destructive and unrealistic media role models.

Traditionally, attribution theory argues that strong external controls such as parental punishment undermine moral internalization. In contrast, this project argues that parental punishment does socialize morality, but it socializes moral prohibitions (rather than moral prescriptions) in particular. A strong focus on prohibitions, a proscriptive orientation, has unintended consequences. Study 1 found young adults' accounts of parental restrictiveness to predict their proscriptive orientation such that recalling the degree of how restrictive and punitive one's parents were activated a proscriptive dispositional sensitivity. Study 2 found that restrictive parenting was positively associated with shame. Further, for individuals with highly restrictive parents, temptations positively were related to shame. Due to the shame associated with temptations for individuals with restrictive parents, mental suppression was more difficult for them. After experimentally priming a proscriptive (versus prescriptive) orientations and inducing mental suppression of "immoral" thoughts, Study 3 found an interaction between proscriptive prime and parental restrictiveness such that the proscriptive prime caused the greatest amount of ego depletion, a loss of self-regulatory resources for those with restrictive parents. In the end, individuals who were most focused on prohibitions and had restrictive parents felt the most shame and had the lowest self-regulatory ability to resist their "immoral" temptations.

Does power lead to corruption (Kipnis, 1972), and if so, why? Here, a novel mechanism is proposed for understanding the complex relationship between power and corruption by incorporating recent work on morality (Janoff-Bulman, Sheikh, & Hepp, 2009). By bridging the power, self-regulation, and morality literatures we proposed that powerful individuals, because of their approach tendencies, are oriented more towards moral prescriptions or "shoulds" and thus focus more on moral acts and moral intentions while minimizing the importance of moral proscriptions (neglect pathway). We proposed an alternative path to corruption for powerholders via moral self-regard. Powerholders, because of their approach-based moral focus, would experience an automatic boost of implicit moral self-regard that would license future immorality. In three studies we found suggestive evidence that the approach tendencies of participants primed with power maximized the role of good moral acts and intentions and minimized the impact of moral transgressions, because the individual's monitoring system focused on and valued instances of moral successes rather than moral failures (neglect pathway). We did not find support for the moral self-regard pathway.