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The distribution of adverbs is particularly difficult to account for, given the amount of variation it encompasses. Not only are adverbs typically optional, but any adverb may also appear in several different positions relative to other constituents, with placement differing according to adverb type and language. As a result, although adverbs are not essential clausal mainstays, the way they are incorporated into the syntax has crucial implications for an overall understanding of clause structure. Some recent accounts of adverb distribution, most notably Cinque (1999), require a highly articulated clausal cartography, where each adverb fits into a specific syntactic position. The placement of adverbs is determined by their semantic properties inasmuch as their specified positions correspond to semantic classes. The ordering of these positions is syntactically predetermined, supposedly with no little or no semantic input. More semantics-based accounts of adverb distribution, as exemplified by Ernst (2002), do not restrict adverbs to specific positions. Rather, any adverb may adjoin to any projection, as long as its individual semantic requirements are satisfied. Such theories of distribution thus depend on adverbs’ semantic interactions with each other and other constituents. The differences between these ‘syntactic’ and ‘semantic’ approaches have led to questions about the nature of verb movement, functional projections, and adjunction. The debate over adverb distribution also raises the issue of what contribution semantics makes to the syntax, and what is syntactically primitive. The aim of this dissertation is to develop an account of adverb distribution that neither requires the introduction of new functional projections, nor attempts to shoehorn an external semantic hierarchy onto a pre-existing syntactic one. It will focus on the position of adverbs in relation to other constituents rather than their order with respect to each other. In this thesis I will review previous theories of adverb distribution, giving special attention to Cinque’s (1999) ‘functional specifier’ approach and Ernst’s (2002) ‘semantic adjunction’ approach, as well as some alternatives, especially the VP-remnant analysis proposed in Nilsen (2003). I will then look at the little-discussed phenomenon of ‘Adverb Climbing’ (AC), in which an adverb precedes a verb that takes an infinitival complement, but is interpreted as modifying the embedded rather than the matrix verb. Taking the varying availability of AC with Control and Raising verbs as a starting point, I will develop a theory of adverb licensing that determines where an adverb may adjoin according to its location in relation to a particular projection. Specifically, I will propose that an adverb must c-command the projection it modifies, and must have access to that projection either in the same phase or at the edge of a lower phase. Based on this analysis I will argue that AC is in fact an indicator of restructuring, and that control and raising verbs take different sizes of infinitival complement. I will also examine the distribution of ‘verb-modifying’ adverbs. Drawing on previous ‘split VP’ proposals (e.g. Ramchand 2008; Travis (2010)), I will contend that the varying distribution of agentive, subject-oriented, and manner adverbs indicates that each is distributed in relation to a different projection within the vP, and that some postverbal adverbs are complements of VP. This proposal will require the introduction of crosslinguistically parameterised restrictions on the order in which adverbs and feature-checking elements may be merged to a single projection. Moreover, I will argue that the array of positions available to agentive adverbs indicates that English has head movement within the vP which bypasses a head, violating Travis’s (1984) Head Movement Constraint (HMC). I will then posit a new analysis of head movement which allows for this violation while still precluding the instances of ungrammaticality that the HMC was meant to rule out. I will finally discuss the distribution of adverbs and negation in the IP range, giving special attention to Pollock’s (1989) classic data from English and French. I will develop an analysis of negation which will allow me to explain the distribution of both sentential adverbs and negation without splitting the IP. Further refinement of the ordering restrictions on multiple merge will also provide an explanation for the ungrammaticality of an adverb between a subject and the highest verb in French, and between do and not in English. This dissertation will serve to situate the study of adverb distributionwithin Chomsky’s (1995) Minimalist framework while providing fresh insight into the extent to which adverb distribution may be used as an indicator of clause structure and movement of other constituents.

手稿本. / Thesis (碩士)--香港中文大學. / Shou gao ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 348-360). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 論衡篇名表 --- p.1 / 凡例 --- p.14 / 緒言 --- p.17 / Chapter 〈1〉 --- 接近口語的語法特色 --- p.1 / Chapter 〈1.1〉 --- 新興的被動形式 --- p.5 / Chapter 〈1.1.1〉 --- ｢為…所｣被動式 --- p.9 / Chapter 〈1.1.2〉 --- ｢被｣字被動式 --- p.13 / Chapter 〈1.2〉 --- 新興的繁詞是　 --- p.20 / Chapter 〈1.3〉 --- 新與的介詞 --- p.30 / Chapter 〈1.3.1〉 --- 從 --- p.30 / Chapter 〈1.3.2〉 --- 到 --- p.38 / Chapter 〈1.4〉 --- 其他詞類的新與用法 --- p.41 / Chapter 〈1.4.1〉 --- 說 --- p.41 / Chapter 〈1.4.2〉 --- 案 --- p.43 / Chapter 〈1.4.3〉 --- 起 --- p.48 / Chapter 〈1.4.4〉 --- 到 --- p.50 / Chapter 〈1.4.5〉 --- 或時 --- p.53 / Chapter 〈1.4.6〉 --- 都 --- p.56 / Chapter 〈1.4.7〉 --- 成事 --- p.58 / Chapter 〈1.4.8〉 --- 等 --- p.63 / Chapter 〈1.5〉 --- 複音詞的使用 --- p.66 / Chapter 〈1.5.1〉 --- 單音詞轉為複音詞 --- p.67 / Chapter 〈1.6〉 --- 小結 --- p.77 / 注釋 --- p.79 / Chapter 〈2〉 --- 動辭連用結構 --- p.83 / Chapter 〈2.1〉 --- 並列式的動詞連用 --- p.84 / Chapter 〈2.2〉 --- 連動式的動詞連用　 --- p.87 / Chapter 〈2.3〉 --- 領賓補語的動詞連用 --- p.89 / Chapter 〈2.3.1〉 --- 及物動詞的領賓補語 --- p.92 / Chapter 〈2.3.2〉 --- 不及物動詞的領賓補語 --- p.98 / Chapter 〈2.4〉 --- 結果補語的動詞連用　 --- p.102 / Chapter 〈2.4.1〉 --- 賓語及行動結果的分析 --- p.103 / Chapter 〈2.4.2〉 --- 連用動詞的分析　 --- p.109 / Chapter 〈2.4.2.1〉 --- 及物動詞┼及物動詞的連用 --- p.109 / Chapter 〈2.4.2.2〉 --- 及物動詞┼不及物動詞的連用 --- p.118 / Chapter 〈2.4.2.3〉 --- 不及物動詞┼不及物動詞的連用 --- p.129 / Chapter 〈2.4.3〉 --- 結果補語結構中形容詞代動詞 --- p.132 / Chapter 〈2.4.4〉 --- 形容詞充任結果式的第一部分 --- p.135 / Chapter 〈2.5〉 --- 動向補語的動詞連用 --- p.138 / Chapter 〈2.5.1〉 --- 以｢出̐£入｣為動向補語的動詞連用 --- p.141 / Chapter 〈2.5.2〉 --- 以｢來̐£去｣為動向補語的動詞連用 --- p.148 / Chapter 〈2.5.3〉 --- 動向補語的引申意義 --- p.152 / Chapter 〈2.5.4〉 --- 其他動向補語 --- p.157 / Chapter 〈2.5.5〉 --- 複動向補語 --- p.162 / Chapter 〈2.6〉 --- 其他補語結構　 --- p.165 / Chapter 〈2.6.1〉 --- ｢得｣字補語　 --- p.165 / Chapter 〈2.6.2〉 --- ｢著｣字補語 --- p.173 / Chapter 〈2.7〉 --- 小結 --- p.175 / 注釋 --- p.176 / Chapter 〈3〉 --- 數量詞的結構 --- p.179 / Chapter 〈3.1〉 --- 量詞的組合情形 --- p.179 / Chapter 〈3.2〉 --- 動量詞的使用問題 --- p.199 / Chapter 〈3.3〉 --- 從論衡看漢代的量詞 --- p.202 / Chapter 〈3.3.1〉 --- 塊 --- p.204 / Chapter 〈3.3.2〉 --- 把 --- p.206 / Chapter 〈3.3.3〉 --- 鑊 --- p.208 / Chapter 〈3.3.4〉 --- 節　 --- p.210 / Chapter 〈3.3.5〉 --- 札 --- p.212 / Chapter 〈3.3.6〉 --- 條 --- p.214 / Chapter 〈3.3.7〉 --- 本 --- p.216 / Chapter 〈3.3.8〉 --- 炬 --- p.218 / Chapter 〈3.3.9〉 --- 行 --- p.220 / Chapter 〈3.3.10〉 --- 合 --- p.222 / Chapter 〈3.3.11〉 --- 種 --- p.224 / Chapter 〈3.4〉 --- 論衡量詞的分析 --- p.226 / Chapter 〈3.4.1〉 --- 分工及共性量詞問題 --- p.229 / Chapter 〈3.5〉 --- 小結 --- p.234 / 注釋 --- p.240 / Chapter 〈4〉 --- 疑問詞的特徵 --- p.243 / Chapter 〈4.1〉 --- 新興疑問詞的問題 --- p.243 / Chapter 〈4.1.1〉 --- 寧 --- p.244 / Chapter 〈4.1.2〉 --- 曾 --- p.247 / Chapter 〈4.1.3〉 --- 未 --- p.249 / Chapter 〈4.1.4〉 --- 不 --- p.253 / Chapter 〈4.2〉 --- 疑問代詞｢何｣的特徵 --- p.260 / Chapter 〈4.2.1〉 --- ｢何｣字位置的變換 --- p.266 / Chapter 〈4.2.2〉 --- 以｢何｣字組成的短問句 --- p.276 / Chapter 〈4.2.3〉 --- ｢何｣字其他組何形式 --- p.280 / Chapter 〈4.2.3.1〉 --- 何等 --- p.280 / Chapter 〈4.2.3.2〉 --- 何嫌 --- p.286 / Chapter 〈4.2.3.3〉 --- 何許 --- p.291 / Chapter 〈4.3〉 --- 疑問代詞｢誰｣的特徵 --- p.294 / Chapter 〈4.4〉 --- 小結 --- p.302 / 注釋 --- p.304 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 接近口語的詞彙　　 --- p.308 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 成語 --- p.316 / Chapter 附錄三 --- 自序對換的複音詞 --- p.327 / 工具書及參考書目 --- p.348

Wai Suk-kwan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-133). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Abstract in Chinese --- p.iii / Acknowledgement --- p.iv / List of Abbreviations --- p.vii / Chapter Chapter One: --- Preliminaries / Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction ´ؤ Aspect --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Telicity - a definition --- p.1 / Chapter 1.3 --- Event Classification --- p.4 / Chapter 1.4 --- Some Terminology --- p.7 / Chapter 1.5 --- Subevent Structure --- p.10 / Chapter 1.5.1 --- Grimshaw (1990) --- p.10 / Chapter 1.5.2 --- "Pustejovsky (1994, 1998)" --- p.12 / Chapter 1.6 --- Summary --- p.19 / Chapter 1.7 --- Organization of the Thesis --- p.19 / Chapter Chapter Two: --- Event Structure in Syntax / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.21 / Chapter 2.2 --- "Borer (1994, 1998)" --- p.21 / Chapter 2.3 --- "Ritter and Rosen (1998, 2000)" --- p.30 / Chapter 2.4 --- "Travis (1992, 1994, 2000a, 2000b)" --- p.34 / Chapter 2.5 --- Slabakova (2001) --- p.44 / Chapter 2.6 --- An evaluation --- p.47 / Chapter 2.7 --- Summary --- p.49 / Chapter Chapter Three: --- Telicity in Cantonese / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.50 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Cantonese: an overview --- p.50 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Viewpoint aspect in Cantonese --- p.51 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- Situation types in Cantonese --- p.57 / Chapter 3.2 --- The position of the object relative to the duration phrase --- p.60 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Atelic events: activities --- p.60 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Telic events: achievements and accomplishments --- p.62 / Chapter 3.3 --- Towards an explanation --- p.64 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- ED and SCE interpretations --- p.65 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Base position of the object --- p.67 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- The syntax-semantics mismatch --- p.70 / Chapter 3.4 --- An account --- p.73 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- The syntax of activities --- p.73 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- The syntax of accomplishments --- p.79 / Chapter 3.4.3 --- The syntax of achievements --- p.81 / Chapter 3.5 --- Summary --- p.86 / Chapter Chapter Four: --- Telicity in Cantonese - the D-pronoun / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.88 / Chapter 4.2 --- The pronoun keoi5 - a general description --- p.88 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Keoi5 as a referential pronoun --- p.88 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Keoi5 as an appositive pronoun --- p.90 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Keoi5 as a measurative pronoun --- p.90 / Chapter 4.2.4 --- Keoi5 as a D-pronoun --- p.91 / Chapter 4.3 --- Properties of the D-pronoun --- p.93 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- General properties --- p.94 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Non-assertedness / irrealis --- p.97 / Chapter 4.3.3 --- Boundedness --- p.98 / Chapter 4.3.4 --- Agentivity --- p.103 / Chapter 4.3.5 --- Properties of the object --- p.103 / Chapter 4.4 --- An account --- p.105 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Cantonese keoi5 vs. Mandarin gei --- p.105 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- Licensing of the D-pronoun --- p.108 / Chapter 4.4.3 --- A final note: D-pronoun in delimitative aspect --- p.116 / Chapter 4.5 --- Summary --- p.118 / Chapter Chapter Five: --- Conclusion / Chapter 5.1 --- Summary of the study --- p.119 / Chapter 5.2 --- Suggestions for further studies --- p.121 / Bibliography --- p.123

No description available.

Concerning American Parenthetical Expressions in Syntax offers an introductory study of the oddity of parenthetical expressions (or PEs) across American dialects of English from a data-driven, syntactic point of view. CAPES presents the results from over 42,000 speaker judgments of audio files containing spoken utterances with parentheticals. These utterances test the possible interpolation points of four pragmatically defined categories of parentheticals "u2013 Vocatives, Mitigatory PEs, Evidential PEs, and Expletives "u2013 as well as some of the possibilities for multiple PEs appearing in the same utterance. These possible interpolation points have been tested in coordination with complex structures and movement operations. Analysis of these data has shown that there are significant differences in patterns of grammatical interpolation points for each of these categories. Despite the clear distinctions present in these categories"' interpolation profiles, some positions remain more likely than others to grammatically allow PEs. These positions are, in decreasing order of likelihood, the left edge, the right edge, following the first (i.e. highest) subject, and preceding an embedded CP. The data have also shown sensitivity to movement operations which suggest that they attach at the surface level of syntactic development. Expletives have been proven to stand alone in many respects, being the least likely of all the studied categories to be grammatically allowed in an utterance-internal position. Additionally, though the data show that up to four PEs may be stacked at the left edge, this is only possible when the Expletive is the leftmost PE. / Teresa Renee Grubb

Concerning American Parenthetical Expressions in Syntax offers an introductory study of the oddity of parenthetical expressions (or PEs) across American dialects of English from a data-driven, syntactic point of view. CAPES presents the results from over 42,000 speaker judgments of audio files containing spoken utterances with parentheticals. These utterances test the possible interpolation points of four pragmatically defined categories of parentheticals â"u20ac"u201c Vocatives, Mitigatory PEs, Evidential PEs, and Expletives â"u20ac"u201c as well as some of the possibilities for multiple PEs appearing in the same utterance. These possible interpolation points have been tested in coordination with complex structures and movement operations. Analysis of these data has shown that there are significant differences in patterns of grammatical interpolation points for each of these categories. Despite the clear distinctions present in these categoriesâ"u20ac™ interpolation profiles, some positions remain more likely than others to grammatically allow PEs. These positions are, in decreasing order of likelihood, the left edge, the right edge, following the first (i.e. highest) subject, and preceding an embedded CP. The data have also shown sensitivity to movement operations which suggest that they attach at the surface level of syntactic development. Expletives have been proven to stand alone in many respects, being the least likely of all the studied categories to be grammatically allowed in an utterance-internal position. Additionally, though the data show that up to four PEs may be stacked at the left edge, this is only possible when the Expletive is the leftmost PE. / Teresa Renee Grubb

Amongst the multiple and diverse meanings and functions passive constructions hold, this study considers that the primary function of passives in Japanese is to portray an event from the point of view of an affected entity. The thesis identifies three types of affectedness in Japanese passive constructions: emotive affectedness, direct / physical affectedness, and objective affectedness. Emotive affectedness, often referred to as �adversative� meaning, has drawn attention from many researchers. It has been strongly associated in the past with the syntactic category called the �indirect passive�, but is actually also observed in many instances of the �direct passive�. Direct / physical affectedness is detected mainly in the construction here referred to as the �direct sentient passive�. This meaning is common in passives in many other languages, including English. The last type � objective affectedness � is primarily associated with �non-sentient passives�, more specifically with what is here called the �plain passive�. Many previous researchers have claimed a complete and apparently transparent correlation between syntactic and semantic distinctions of the Japanese passive. The present study rejects these direct correlations. In analysing authentic data, it becomes evident that the correlation is much more subtle than has generally been recognised, and that is a matter of degree or continuum, rather than a discrete, black and white issue. To reflect this view, this study proposes separate sets of categories for syntactic and semantic distinctions. The ultimate aim of this study is to reveal how Japanese passives are actually used in real contexts. In order to achieve this aim, detailed examination of authentic written and spoken data is conducted. Some findings of the data analysis in the present study contradict previous claims, such as the finding of a large proportion of passives with a non-sentient subject and very low frequency of occurrence of indirect passives. This research also finds that, although more than half of the propositional meanings in the passive data examined are �negative�, a considerable number of passives still appear in a proposition with a neutral or positive meaning. Another prominent finding regarding propositional meaning is that it seems to be related to the degree of centrality of the passive subject to the event. With regard to the syntactic classification of passive, in particular, it is observed that the lower the degree of the centrality of the subject of the passive to the event, the greater the likelihood that the passive clause involves a negative proposition.