Thesis advisor: David DiPasquale / This paper examines the role that media plays in the state building strategy of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS). Research findings suggest that ISIS is not merely a disorderly group of militants, but is a sophisticated organization driven by powerful religious and political ideas. The goal of my research is to tap into the intellectual face of ISIS, to uncover ISIS's own arguments and state building aspirations. In order to gain a more comprehensive understanding of ISIS, this paper examines how ISIS spreads its message and analyzes the significance of that message as it relates to state formation. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2015. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Arts and Sciences Honors Program. / Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Societies.

Les relations syro-libanaises peuvent être considérées comme l'une des questions contemporaines les plus sensibles et les plus délicates. La raison doit être recherchée dans la particularité de l'union historique qui s'est nouée entre les deux pays, qui ne furent séparés par aucune frontière avant l'indépendance du Liban en 1943, formant ainsi un seul peuple dans un seul Etat. Compte tenu des relations historiques entre ces deux pays, la Syrie a toujours laissé planer un doute sur l'indépendance du Liban. Ainsi ce petit pays se présenta, pour la Syrie, comme son ventre mou, ce qui obligea la Syrie à le protéger contre toute agression extérieure, afin de garantir sa sécurité. Cette attitude s'est traduite par l'intervention militaire syrienne au Liban durant la guerre civile de 1975, dans le cadre des Forces arabes de dissuasion, qui constituaient la seule force pacificatrice au Liban. L'accord du Taëf de 1989, qui mit fin à la guerre civile libanaise, consolida et légalisa les relations sécuritaires et économiques syro-libanaises, à travers la signature de traités entre les deux pays. Mais la question de la présence syrienne au Liban et de son influence sur sa souveraineté fut mise à l'ordre du jour principalement après le retrait israélien du Liban en 2000.Le facteur déclencheur qui rompit ces relations syro–libanaises privilégiées se produisit suite à l'assassinat du Premier ministre Rafiq Hariri en 2005, qui se traduisit par le retrait définitif syrien du Liban. En adoptant un plan chronologique des événements, cette thèse présente les principales étapes des relations politiques et économiques entre la Syrie et le Liban, les facteurs régionaux et internationaux qui ont pesé sur elles, et leurs répercussions sur les relations syro-libanaises ; elle fournit par ailleurs des éléments nouveaux sur ces relations, qui prennent racine sur le passé et dégagent une vision de l'avenir. / Syro-Lebanese relations: Past crises and political changes.Syro-Lebanese relations may be considered as one of today's most sensitive and thorny issues. The reason for this should be sought in the special nature of the historical union built between two countries which had never been divided by a frontier until the independence of Lebanon in 1943, so were a single people within a single State.Given the historical relationship between the two countries, Syria has always been somewhat ambivalent over Lebanese independence. This little country developed into Syria's soft underbelly, so Syria was forced to protect it from outside aggression in order to ensure its own safety. This stance resulted in the Syrian military intervention in the Lebanese civil war of 1975, under cover of the Arab Deterrent Force which was the only peacemaking force in Lebanon. The Ta'if Agreement of 1989, which ended the Lebanese civil war, consolidated and legalised Syro-Lebanese relations regarding security and economics by means of treaties signed by both countries. But the issue of Syria's presence in Lebanon and its influence on sovereignty was accelerated, especially after Israel withdrew from Lebanon in 2000.The essential event which disturbs the special Syro-Lebanese relationship was the assassination of the Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri in 2005, after which Syrian troops withdrew from Lebanon.This thesis takes these events in chronological order to discuss the major stages in the political and economic relationship between Syria and Lebanon, the regional and international factors brought to bear on it and their repercussions on Syro-Lebanese relations. It sheds a new light on these relations which are rooted in the past and moot a vision for the future.

Based on the author's thesis (Ph. D.)--Universiṭat Bar-Ilan, Ramat-Gan, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [289]-290) and index.

Thèse--Paris. / At head of title: Université de Paris, Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M. Div.)--St. Vladimir's Orthodox Theological Seminary, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-70).

This thesis examines how three Lebanese satellite stations and two print journals cover the Syrian civil war. It is useful to analyze Lebanon’s news programming because the relative lack of regulation over its media allows them to take drastically different political stances. Syria and Lebanon’s unique political and cultural connection causes the conflict to permeate both the debates over foreign and domestic policy. My paper is significant because it elucidates the specific ways in which the Syrian crisis divides the already fractured Lebanese populace. My analysis reveals how regional news sources give meaning to the Arab Spring using language drawn from local historical and political experiences. / text

This thesis outlines hydrological, political, economic and social facts related to the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers dispute between the three major riparian states, Turkey, Syria and Iraq. Once the factual base was constructed, it describes how each of the states uses water based on direct quotes, inferences and interpretations from secondary literature, interviews and other primary sources. The author used these narratives to analyze the current level of coordination and prospects for further cooperation among the riparians. Using these narratives, the author has drafted an agreement that could be a starting point from which the riparian states could address regional water issues.

This thesis is concerned with British policy in relation to General Edmund Allenby's command of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force (E.E.F.) from June 1917 to November 1919. This thesis divides into two parts: until October 1918 the Palestine campaign of the E.E.F. is evaluated in terms of its position within wider British war strategy, and in particular it is shown how the campaign did very little to help Britain's efforts to defeat the Central powers during the First World War; with the armistice in October 1918 the focus is on the politfcal and imperial aspects of the battlefield victories by Allenby which resulted in the occupation by the E.E.F. of Palestine and Syria. These non-military concerns come to the fore in the post-war peace settlements, and it is shown how the usefulness of the Palestine campaign extended beyond the war's end to November 1919 when the E.E.F. withdrew from Syria. This thesis reveals that the Palestine campaign needs to be analysed not just for its contribution to the defeat of the Central powers, but that it had a non-military dimension which centred round the need to provide Britain with negotiating strength at the Paris Peace Conference so as to provide for long-term British imperial security. Allenby's operations to October 1918 are, therefore, examined for more than just their military significance, and in this work a complete analysis of the Palestine campaign is undertaken. This thesis shows how too often the existing literature on the Palestine campaign concentrates either on the purely military aspect, or focuses on the formation of the modern Middle East. What is typically left out is the connection between the two. It is shown that the Palestine campaign was Clausewitzian in that operations were used as a means to further political ends, and that these political concerns influenced the conduct of the campaign. Allenby's central role in these matters means that this thesis comments on his role and position, not just as a militaiy commander, but also in relation to the political and imperial aspects outlined above.

This study "The Emirate of Damascus During the Early Crusading Period 488-549/1095-1154 deals with this Emirate which was established in 488/1095, after the defeat and the murder of Taj al-Dawla Tutush near Rayy in 488/1095 by his nephew Sultan Berkiyaruq Ibn Sult-an Malik-Sh5h. The dominions of Ti al-Dawla, mainly in Syria and the Jazira divided between his elder sons King Fakhr al-Mullik Ridwan in Aleppo and King Shams al-Muliik Ducfaq in Damascus. The Kingdom of Damascus comprized south Syria and some parts of the Jazira such as al- Rahba and Mayyafäriqin. Zahir al-Din Tughtekln, who was Atabek of King Duclaq, became the de facto ruler of Damascus during the reign of King Duqaq 488-497/1095-1104. After the death of Duqaq, Tughtekin was to be the real Amir of Damascus, and his dynasty was to gain control of the Emirate until its fall at the hands of Niir al-Din Mahmild of Aleppo in 549/1154. In this thesis, the following matters are discussed: 1. The conditions which led to the foundation of this Emirate. 2. The role of Tughtekin in establishing his authority in the Emirate. 3. The foreign policy of the Emirate, and the factors which shaped this policy. 4. The effects (on the Emirate) of the coming of the Crusaders particularly those of Jerusalem. S. Internal rivalries in the Emirate, and their influence on the stability of the Emirate and its external relations. 6. The policy of alliances adopted by the Emirate and the factors which affected this. 7. The influence of the growing power of Zangi of Aleppo and Mosul (521-541/1127-1146) on Damascus and why he did not succeed in annexing Damascus to his united front in Syria and the Jazira aimed at challenging the power of the Crusaders. 8. The reasons which helped Mir al-Din Mahmüd Ibn Zangi of Aleppo to annex Damascus to his state in 549/1154. 9. The importance of the military power of Damascus and Its role in protecting the Emirate. Finally a concluding section sums up the achievement of the Emirate of Damascus in maintaining its Independence during the period and the role of the Emirate in the Counter-Crusade.

This is a study that aims to look at the violence occurring in Sudan and Libya in 2011. It asks the question why there was an intervention in the latter case but not the former. The analysis will use an integrated theoretical framework, looking at national interests, power balance and international norms to explain the behavior and decision-making of states in these particular cases. The fact that so little has been done or said about the conflict in Sudan is troubling, and deserves an explanation, especially considering the very different reaction to similar situations like Libya at the time. This study uses a comparative method to map the differences and similarities between the two cases using both statistical numbers and facts, as well as a content analysis to examine the discourse and media coverage on the two conflicts. The analysis may seem very broad and complex, but the same can be said about world politics in general. It is a very complex thing, and sometimes a complex explanation is required. Very rarely is there just one answer to a question like this, but many different perspectives that are often equally legitimate and important to consider. This is the basis of the method used in this study, to use different perspectives to give a clearer overall image of why states act as they do, and why they make the decisions that they make.