Thèse--Lettres--Lyon, 1973. / Bibliogr. p. 475-484.

Thesis--Munich. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 26-29).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Brown University, 2005. / Vita. Thesis advisor: Sheila Bonde. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 201-209). Also available online.

Cette thése couvre le périmétre de la carte géologique de Voiron et permet ainsi l'étude des dépôts quaternaires , molasse et substratum tertiaire d'un périmètre de l'avant pays alpin.

Cette étude se propose d’étudier la réception de la nouvelle de la victoire de Lépante dans le grand-duché de Toscane sous le règne de Côme Ier et la transformation de l’événement d’actualité en objet historique, inscrit dans l’historiographie officielle médicéenne. La participation de la flotte toscane à la Sainte Ligue de Lépante en 1571 s’inscrit dans un contexte particulier de crise diplomatique avec le roi d’Espagne Philippe II de Habsbourg, dont la Toscane est un État vassal et dont l’autorité est de plus en plus contestée par les Médicis. Côme Ier de Médicis a vu aboutir les projets de son ambitieuse politique navale en 1560 avec la création de l’Ordre militaire marin de Santo Stefano, de sa politique dynastique en 1569 avec l’obtention, par le pape Pie V, du titre héréditaire grand-ducal, accompagné d’un contrat de collaboration militaire pour l’Ordre. La présence de la Toscane, sous la bannière pontificale, dans une coalition aussi prestigieuse que la Sainte Ligue, qui réunit Venise, l’Espagne et le pape, devrait constituer une occasion privilégiée de renforcer le discours de légitimation du principat médicéen. En effet, la victoire de Lépante constitue un événement au sens traditionnel du terme, c’est-à-dire un fait politico-militaire inattendu, éclatant, dont les représentations d’actualité cristallisent les enjeux diplomatiques du moment et dont les célébrations permettent de mettre en scène le pouvoir : plus que l’antagonisme, c’est la qualité de l’alliance qu’on lui oppose qui fait sens dans les récits et les images de Lépante. Pourtant, en Toscane, on n’assiste pas à une production aussi riche, féconde, variée et durable qu’ailleurs en Italie, notamment à Venise ou à Rome. Fidèle à sa tendance de fond qui préfère aux revendications ouvertes la discrétion et la prudence, le discours médicéen raconte une victoire de Lépante ambigüe, nuancée, comme une voix discordante au cœur du concert de célébrations qui suivent l’événement, dépassant le simple clivage des catégories de victoire et de défaite. Les représentations toscanes puisent leur matière même dans les correspondances militaires et diplomatiques des acteurs de la bataille : ils écrivent juste après l’avènement des faits, observent avec lucidité les graves disfonctionnements au sein de la Sainte Ligue, rendent compte de leur expérience concrète de la guerre et des lourdes pertes subies par l’Ordre au cours des combats. La nouvelle et les détails de la victoire se diffusent très largement grâce à une nouvelle forme éditoriale, les avvisi a stampa, des publications occasionnelles qui racontent et célèbrent la victoire. Celles qui sont publiées en Toscane révèlent des choix éditoriaux particuliers : l’imprimerie officielle grand-ducale semble vouloir ménager les susceptibilités en diffusant des versions canoniques pontificales ou espagnoles du déroulement des événements, qui ignorent la participation toscane, tandis que des récits plus favorables aux Toscans sont publiés par des typographes d’importance secondaire. Dans un troisième temps, l’événement s’inscrit dans l’historiographie officielle du régime grand-ducal ; la bataille de Lépante est traitée comme une « semi-victoire » dans un chapitre de l’Istoria de’ suoi tempi de Giovambattista Adriani, l’histoire officielle du règne de Côme ; en revanche, elle fait l’objet d’une célébration triomphale dans un cycle de fresques de Giorgio Vasari réalisé dans la Sala Regia du palais apostolique du Vatican. En effet, Côme renonce à faire représenter la victoire de Lépante à Florence, au Palazzo Vecchio, comme nombre de ses hauts faits militaires, pour envoyer l’artiste officiel de l’État opérer au service du pape, comme ambassadeur du prestige culturel de Florence : pour servir l’État , les arts seraient, en somme, bien plus efficaces que les armes. / This dissertation focuses on how the news of the victory of the battle of Lepanto was received and dealt with under the rule of Cosimo I de’ Medici in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. This approach will then highlight that, from piece of news to historical information, this event was in fact transformed and discussed by the official Medicean historiography. The Tuscan fleet joined the Holy League in 1571. This coincides with a diplomatic crisis which crystallized the Medici’s contesting the authority of King Philip II of Spain over the vassal state of Tuscany. Cosimo I de’ Medici’s ambitious naval policy led to the creation, in 1560, of the Sacred Military Order of St Stephen and when, in 1569, Pope Pius V granted him the title of Grand Duke on the grounds of hereditary right, along with a military agreement to support the Order, his dynastic policy was finally asserted. The papal banner acknowledged a prestigious alliance between the Republic of Venice, Spain and the Pope. Being part of this Holy League offered Tuscany an opportunity to legitimate the Medicean princedom. The Battle of Lepanto may be considered as an event, that is to say, an unexpected military and political fact. The representations of this brilliant victory epitomize the diplomatic stakes of the time and the way the event was celebrated highlights its power issues. In fact, in the narratives and images of the Battle, what prevails is the strength of the alliance and not what it stood up against. Yet, works dedicated to the Battle in Tuscany were not as diverse and lasting as in other parts of Italy such as Rome and Venice. Medicean historians and artists gave a nuanced version of the Battle, mirroring a general trend of discretion. Their voices thus disrupted the harmonious celebrations which came after the event and challenged the dichotomy of victory versus defeat. Tuscan representations of the event drew their inspiration from an archival material made of diplomatic and military letters. Just off the battlefield, the protagonists of the combat put their experience down into words. They exposed that the Holy League was seriously dysfunctional and gave a first-hand testimony of the war and of how heavy the losses were for the Order. The news of the victory, but also its details, quickly and widely spread thanks to avvisi a stampa, a new editorial practice consisting in occasional publications extolling the grandeur of the victory. This thesis contends that the publications in Tuscany were ruled by a particular editorialist choice. In fact, it appears that the grand-ducal official press remained neutral and published mainly canonical versions of the Battle, praising both the papal and Spanish roles, but which overlooked the Tuscan participation, whereas narratives extolling the Tuscan input in the battle were handled by minor typographers. Furthermore the event made its way into the official historiography of the grand dukedom. In a chapter from Giovambattista Adriani’s Istoria de’ suoi tempi, which relates the official history of Cosimo’s rule, the Battle of Lepanto is described as a "semi-victory". On the other hand, it was treated as a grand victory by Giorgio Vasari in the series of frescos he painted for the Sala Regia in the Vatican palace. As a matter of fact, Cosimo, instead of having the Battle, and many other of his military feats, commemorated in the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence, decided to send the official artist of the State to the Vatican as a cultural ambassador. Arts seemed a better way to serve the State than weapons.

This study first offers a political, social, and economic overview of Texas during the first two decades of the twentieth century, including reaction in the Lone Star state to the declaration of war against Germany in April, 1917; the fear of saboteurs and foreign-born citizens; and the debate on raising a wartime army through a draft or by volunteerism. Then, focusing in-depth on northwest Texas, the study examines the Texas National Guard unit recruited there, the Seventh Texas Infantry Regiment. Using primarily the selective service registration cards of a sample of 1,096 members of the regiment, this study presents a portrait of the officers and enlisted soldiers of the Seventh Texas based on age, occupation, marital status, dependents and other criteria, something that has not been done in studies of World War I soldiers. Next, the regiment's training at Camp Bowie, near Fort Worth, Texas, is described, including the combining of the Seventh Texas with the First Oklahoma Infantry to form the 142nd Infantry Regiment of the Thirty-Sixth Division. After traveling to France and undergoing nearly two months of training, the regiment was assigned to the French Fourth Army in the Champagne region and went into combat for the first time. The study examines the combat experiences of these soldiers from northwest Texas and how they described and expressed their experiences to their families and friends after the armistice of November 11, 1918. The study concludes with an examination of how the local communities of northwest Texas celebrated the armistice, and how they welcomed home their "soldier boys" in the summer of 1919. This study also charts the changing nature of the Armistice Day celebrations and veteran reunions in Texas as time passed, as well as the later lives of some of the officers and men who served with the regiment.