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The purpose of this study is to provide an explanation of the causes postwar U.S. interventions. For that purpose, the study evaluates theories of strategic and economic interests and hypotheses regarding domestic factors of foreign policy. Since U.S. interventions were examined from three different perspectives (i.e., strategic, economic, and domestic), three groups of hypotheses are formulated. The dependent variable intervention is operationalized as an ordinal variable which has four ordered categories (i.e., no intervention, non-military intervention, indirect military intervention, and direct military intervention). Soviet intervention, intervention by a Soviet ally, communist presence, military assistance, and geographic distance are identified as strategic factors which account for U.S. intervention; imports, exports, and foreign investment as economic factors; and the Vietnam syndrome, electoral cycle, and misery index as domestic factors. Cases are Third World internal wars which occurred during the period 1945-89. To estimate the relative impact of each explanatory variable on U.S intervention, an ordered probit model is used. / It is found that the U.S. is more likely to intervene if there is an intervention by a Soviet ally or a communist presence. Soviet intervention, U.S. military assistance to the country, and geographic distance of the country from the U.S., however, have little impact on U.S. intervention. None of the economic interest variables is an important determinant of U.S. intervention while all the domestic variables have a sizable impact on U.S. intervention. However, it was found that the hypotheses concerning domestic factors supported in the literature of war or use of force are not supported when they are tested in the context of U.S. interventions in Third World internal wars. The U.S. tended to intervene in more wars which occurred after the Vietnam War. It is less likely to intervene in an election year and when its economy is worsening. To sum up, if intervention by a Soviet ally, communist presence, and the Vietnam syndrome are the factors which motivated U.S. intervention, presidential elections and the misery index are factors which discouraged U.S. intervention. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 54-07, Section: A, page: 2726. / Major Professor: James Lee Ray. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1993.

Trade in differentiated manufactured goods from the same industry, between developed economies characterized by similar relative factor endowments, has been observed to be an important feature of international trade patterns since the 1960's. While the traditional, factor-proportions model of international trade still retains good explanatory power, it is not able to satisfactorily encompass this phenomenon of intra-industry trade (IIT) A number of new theoretical models have arisen, incorporating notions of (internal) economies of scale and preference diversity, which provide a range of testable propositions that seek to explain the proportion of a country's gross trade which is IIT in nature. Empirical investigation has focused on the trade of developed economies, with a general consensus emerging regarding the significance of a variety of industry and country level characteristics as factors influencing IIT. / This study extends the analysis of the structure and determinants of IIT to the bilateral trading arrangements of Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore, three members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). These countries are all developing economies, representing countries at different levels of development. This study covers the period 1970-1989, enabling inferences to be drawn concerning the impact of the development process through time on IIT. IIT is found to be an important feature of the trade of these developing economies and has increased over time. The mix of products traded and the relative importance of trading partners has also changed as development has proceeded. As a result the three economies have become increasingly integrated into the world economy. Many of the factors influencing the IIT of developed economies are also found to be significant for these developing economies. A study of intra-ASEAN IIT provides some evidence regarding the potential for greater economic integration within this group of countries. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 54-10, Section: A, page: 3824. / Major Professor: J. H. Cobbe. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1993.

Through an exploration of the political economy of trade, this study examines the causes of cooperative and noncooperative behavior between nation-states. It will be argued that either a purely international- or domestic-oriented analysis of state behavior towards or away from cooperation entails severe drawbacks. Such reductionism fails to explore fully the links between internal and external influences on policy. Rather, it is posited that the policy preferences of states for either protection or free trade are derived from both the varying international and domestic context and the degree of vulnerability of their economy. In this regard, a cooperative model, grounded on a state's power position and dependence, is linked to both systemic- and domestic- level theories. The former models a state's foreign economic policy as a function of its economic power within the international hierarchical structure. The latter explains preferences for (and against) liberalism through the sectoral make-up and international integration of a state. In other words, by considering the ways in which international power position and economic linkages could affect the utility of various economic agents (individuals, groups, or nation-states) responsible for trade decisions, this study seeks to move beyond a unitary causal level of analysis. Research should employ variables at both the international and domestic levels. This is the only valid way to account for the amount of openness (or closure) in a state's international trade policy. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 56-08, Section: A, page: 3300. / Major Professor: Patrick James. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1995.

A critical study of how ideological bias affects a newspaper's receptivity to propaganda was conducted within the framework of the State Department's 1983-87 propaganda campaign concerning the United States-Nicaraguan conflict. Content analyses of State Department documents and newspaper articles from the Washington Post and Washington Times revealed that while many of the U.S. government's propaganda themes found their way into both newspapers, they were portrayed in different fashions according to each newspaper's ideological bias. In particular, a quantitative analysis of 1,539 articles in the Post and Times revealed significant differences between the two papers on almost every dimension measured--type of news, frequency of sources cited, and direction (positive, negative, or neutral) of unchallenged or challenged statements. The Washington Post was found to be much more skeptical of U.S. government propaganda about the Nicaraguan conflict than was the Times. / The results of the content analyses also lent credence to the notion that the U.S. press serves as a legitimator of the "government line." Despite significant differences between the papers, both relied chiefly on U.S. government sources for information; and both contained considerably more negative Sandinista policy statements than negative U.S. policy statements, and more positive U.S. policy statements than positive Sandinista ones. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-08, Section: A, page: 2284. / Major Professor: Gregg Phifer. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1989.