This thesis explores arguments for Scottish Home Rule, and the place these arguments were given during elections. It also discusses the interactions between Scottish Home Rulers with other Home Rule movements within the United Kingdom as well as attempts to build international support in the colonies and United States. Finally it examines the cultural and scientific manifestations of nationalism and how they were embraced by a Home Rule movement which was eager to identify evidence for devolution. The position of Scottish Home Rule before the Great War was very complex. Although the Scottish Liberal Association adopted it as a policy as early as 1888 the most ardent of Scottish Home Rulers were continually disappointed by the failure of the Liberal Party’s leadership to commit to a time frame for introducing legislation. Despite this difficulty Scottish Home Rulers fought an uphill battle to keep the issue before the public through a significant body of pamphlets, journals, letters, and even in motions in the House of Commons. Between the second 1910 election and the Great War, the issue was kept in front of the Scottish Electorate and featured in almost all of the Liberal and Labour candidates’ campaigns during the fourteen by-elections which occurred during the period. Culturally new expressions of ‘Scottishness’ can be seen in the establishment of bodies such as the Royal Scottish Geographic Society, the Scottish Historical Review and the Scottish National Antarctic Expedition. When these Scottish institutions ran into conflict with larger bodies based in England, usually associated with funding, the question of Scotland’s relationship with the rest of the United Kingdom came into question. At these times nationalists within and without of these institutions could co-opt these concerns in order to further their appeals for greater Home Rule. Although Scottish Home Rule was never a dominant movement within Scottish politics before the war it did manage to find acceptance among a wide body of individuals and groups such as the Scottish Liberal Association, Young Scots’ Society, Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, Highland Land League, Scottish Labour League and Scottish Liberal Women’s Association . This thesis will attempt to place Scottish Home Rule within the context of a time which saw the development of so many other great reforms and argue that although those who supported Scottish Home Rule did so for a variety of pragmatic reasons, the nationalistic ideology that Scotland should be governed by Scots, still found expression.

Alex Salmond, a talented politician in charge of Scotland's devolved government since 2007, is mounting the biggest challenge to the British union state in its 300-year history. His fast-growing Scottish National Party wants Scotland to cease being the invisible country of Europe and to embrace independence. This book argues that if the Union is demolished, change will remain elusive and Scotland will continue to be run by the close-knit administrative, commercial and religious elites who have dominated the country for centuries. Tom Gallagher contends that the SNP remains fixated by resentment towards England and has no strategy for reviving a struggling economy and the deep-seated social problems which disfigure urban Scotland. He argues that the SNP are not committed to independence, that the SNP is a super-unionist party, that it recoils from popular sovereignty and is an enthusiastic backer of the EU s plans for a post-national Europe based on federalist rule from Brussels, and that it endorses a radical multi-culturalism that devalues individual citizenship and places Scotland at the mercy of globalization. Gallagher's hard-hitting analysis will stir emotions and generate debate, especially his claim that if the SNP triumphs it will reinforce the authoritarian trends which have disfigured Scottish history and contributed to heavy emigration. He passionately believes that moral and practical energies need to be released if Scotland is to renew itself, but fears that as long as the country is seen in romantic and propagandistic terms, this overdue transformation will be stillborn.

<p>This thesis in social anthropology is based on the inner essence, manifestations and tendencies of Scottish nationalism and regionalism. The thesis intends to investigate how Scottish nationalism and regionalism are related to each other. It is meant to highlight the meaning of the Wallace-myth for maintenance of the Scottish national consciousness and to illuminate factors lying behind this myth. It is also meant to study how Turner, Lévi-Strauss, Anderson, Eriksen, Hobsbawm and Hettne’s theories work in the Scottish field. This thesis intends to contribute to a better understanding and deeper insight into Scottish nationalism.</p>

This thesis in social anthropology is based on the inner essence, manifestations and tendencies of Scottish nationalism and regionalism. The thesis intends to investigate how Scottish nationalism and regionalism are related to each other. It is meant to highlight the meaning of the Wallace-myth for maintenance of the Scottish national consciousness and to illuminate factors lying behind this myth. It is also meant to study how Turner, Lévi-Strauss, Anderson, Eriksen, Hobsbawm and Hettne’s theories work in the Scottish field. This thesis intends to contribute to a better understanding and deeper insight into Scottish nationalism.

艾凡赫（又名劫後英雄傳）是華特．史考特(Sir Walter Scott，有時譯為司各特)所作的威佛利系列小說(Waverley Novels)中最受歡的小說之一。史考特在出版了幾本有關蘇格蘭的小說之後，決定嘗試寫一部純粹只與英格蘭有關的作品。在閱覽評論艾凡赫的文章中，我發現大部分的學者忽略了艾凡赫或許與蘇格蘭有關的可能性。因此我決定透過蘇格蘭國族主義的角度來分析艾凡赫，探究其與蘇格蘭的關係。 從中古世紀到十九世紀的蘇格蘭歷史中，我得到了啟發。我認為我們可以將國族主義形成的過程分成「集體身分認同」、「國家和國族主義」以及「國家身分認同與進階國族主義」來討論。本論文共有五個章節，除了序論和結論之外，中間三個章節將按照上述的三點進行分析。第一章將藉由閱讀蘇格蘭中古歷史和文學作品從中了解蘇格蘭集體身分認同的形成，並將其形成的模式套用於艾凡赫，進而解釋理查國王(King Richard)如何建立英格蘭集體身分認同。第二章所探討的是蘇格蘭歷史與威佛利中蘇格蘭如何成為國家以及其國族主義的建立，並以所得的結果分析理查國王如何使英格蘭成為真正的國家與其建立英格蘭國族主義的手法。第三章將重點擺在小說中英格蘭國家身分認同與其進階的國族主義，希望經由與前兩章相同的對應手法反向解釋史考特如何運用艾凡赫表達自己的蘇格蘭國家身分認同以及其進階的蘇格蘭國族主義。 / Among Sir Walter Scott’s Waverley Novels, Ivanhoe is one of the most popular works. After writing several novels related to Scotland, Scott boldly attempted to create a purely English novel as an experiment in his life as a novelist. In reviewing the papers on Ivanhoe, I find that critics in and after Scott’s time seem to overlook the possibility that Ivanhoe, like any of its predecessor, is related to Scotland. Therefore, this thesis examines the relationship between Scottish history and Ivanhoe from the perspective of nationalism. Learning from Scottish history, I suggest discussing the formation of Scottish nationalism from aspects of “collective identity,” “nation and nationalism,” and “national identity and advanced nationalism.” The thesis is divided into three chapters according to aspects and a concluding chapter. Chapter One focuses on the building of Scottish identity in history and the building of English identity in Ivanhoe. Chapter Two discusses Scotland as a nation, the appearance of Scottish nationalism before the Union and Scottish nationalism in Waverley and Ivanhoe. Chapter Three looks into while the characters exhibit their English national identity and King Richard pursues his advanced English nationalism in the novel, Scott shows his Scottish national identity and develops an advanced Scottish nationalism that, with a well-preserved Scottish national identity, consecrates to reach a harmonious peace between the Scots and the English via Ivanhoe. Conclusion closes the thesis by reconfirming the relationship between Scott’s Ivanhoe and Scotland through the three-stage process of Scottish nationalism.

The emigration of the Scots from the 18th to the 20th century has produced a diaspora. The thesis outlines how many diasporas are involved in the nationalist projects of their homeland. However, over the chronology of this study and beyond, whilst there were active movements to amend or end the Union of 1707, it has been found that the Scots were not. The thesis then proposes some explanations for this. Chapters one and two introduce methods, research material and context; they describe the Union, the emigrations and diasporas. The study uses for comparison purposes the Irish and Norwegian diasporas. Lines of enquiry such as nationalism, the use of soft power and gatekeeping behaviour are presented, with a discussion of Scottish nationalism. The study examines the approach to involving the diaspora of five groups; both SHRAs, the International Scots Home Rule League, the National Convention and the NPS/SNP. The response of Scottish MPs in the diaspora in England to the many attempts to legislate for home rule is also examined. The approach to the diaspora was found to be badly executed and targeted. Few visits were made, and only to the US and Canada. Communication was unfocussed and spasmodic. The Scottish associational clubs were frequently used as a conduit. A small part of the whole diaspora, these acted as gatekeepers, selectively mobilising for themselves as an elite which had no need of nationalism as they could succeed without it. Comparing the Irish, whose diaspora successfully supported its nationalist causes at home, is instructive. The study concludes that the spasmodic and amateurish nature of contact, the nature of the Associations and that of the diaspora itself were the main culprits in this case of a diaspora indifferent to the fate of nationalism in its home land.

This dissertation focuses on the political verse and journalism by the Scottish Gaelic poet, scholar, publisher, and activist Derick Thomson (Ruaraidh MacThòmais, 1921-2012). The chosen set of themes can be broadly described as "political issues", although Thomson should not be regarded only as a political poet in the narrow sense of a propagandist, nor does his political poetry deal with elections and campaigns. The political aspect of his poetry is much broader, including concerns with language and power. Politics also represent the connection between Thomson's multiple activities, and therefore a suitable framework in which to explore them. So far, the prevailing paradigm for studying Thomson's works has been the poetry of place, a concept deeply rooted in the Gaelic tradition, and both popular and critical attention was paid especially to his Lewis poems and, to a less extend, his writing about Glasgow. This dissertation strives to provide answers to the following questions: Which political issues can be traced in Thomson's poetry? What were his main concerns? How does he handle politics in his verse? Are there poems where a political interpretation might be constructed, but that also allow other ways of reading? What were Thomson's actual political convictions, as far as we can reconstruct...