Much discussed and little understood, Richard Nixon's southern strategy demands scrutiny. A brief survey of the literature suggests that study on this controversial topic has reached an impasse. Southern historians keen to emphasise the importance of class in the region's partisan development over the last fifty years insist that any southern strategy predicated on racialised appeals to disaffected white conservatives was doomed to failure. Conversely, conventional accounts of the Nixon era remain wedded to the view that the southern strategy represented a successful devil's bargain whereby an avaricious Californian exchanged the promise of racial justice for black southerners in return for white Dixie's electoral votes. Most sobering of all are political scientists concerned with executive power, who evidence the limited discretion enjoyed by presidents to implement any agenda inimical to the corporate will of the federal bureaucracy. Since Nixon's executive departments were brimming with Democratic holdovers from the Kennedy and Johnson years, the question of whether or not the President demanded concessions to southern racists apparently becomes more or less irrelevant: the 'fourth branch' of the federal government inevitably ensured that a southern strategy was simply impossible to execute. In reality, much of this stalemate is the product of academic territorial warfare on the battleground of a subject wide open to multiple interpretations. A southern historian keen to showcase the importance of his local research is likely to show little interest in evidence that a President based in Washington D.C. could initiate social change in Tuscaloosa, Alabama. Similarly, political scientists fighting an unrewarding battle to emphasise the autonomy of federal departments are naturally disinclined to highlight examples of presidential willpower altering bureaucratic culture. Nevertheless, an intriguing paradox remains in evidence. Despite leaning more towards the political philosophy of antediluvian white southerners than the demands of black Americans, Richard Nixon presided over a period of such fundamental social reconstruction below the Mason-Dixie line that he could legitimately claim to have desegregated more southern schools than any other President in history. Whilst a raft of excellent monologues demonstrating the impact of local movements down South on national politics have been published over the last decade, few have even attempted to explain this peculiar phenomenon. As Matthew Lassiter observed in a Journal of American History roundtable on American conservatism in December 2011, 'the recent pendulum swing has overstated the case for a rightward shift in American politics by focusing too narrowly on partisan narratives and specific election cycles rather than on the more complex dynamics of political culture, political economy, and public policy.' The purpose of this thesis is to explain how a President notorious for pursuing the votes of white segregationists rested at the head of a federal government that ruthlessly dismantled Jim Crow. By incorporating the range of methodologies elucidated above, it will identify exactly how much influence President Nixon and his executive officers exerted over civil rights policy. Was Nixon's reactionary agenda thwarted by over-mighty bureaucrats? Or did the President act more responsibly than the majority of commentators have admitted?

The diploma thesis combines the issue of the educational system in the Czech Republic with the issue of social exclusion that contributes to the tendency of the emergence of segregated schools in which Roma are often found. Another issues to combines with is civil society, both in terms of its organized form - non-profit organizations so from the point of view of its subjectively perceived component so-called civility. In the theoretical part are presented the knowledge from these areas needed to understand the problems and to place the research part in the context. The methodological part of the thesis monitors the activities of non-profit organizations dealing with pre-school preparation of children from socially disadvantaged environment, their relationships and cooperation with state institutions, their role in the education process and factors contributing to the fact that these children are to a great extent provided with pre-school education by civil society organizations. One of the research questions concerns the role of these non-profit organizations in the inclusion of Roma children in the elementary school system.

This study, in the main, focuses on the racial imbalances and inequities that characterised South African education between 1965 and 1992. A historical background of the South African educational system as well as an account on the apartheid ideology and its impact on education is presented. For the four principle racial groups in South Africa, namely, the Africans, Indians, Whites and Coloureds, a historicaleducational survey of the imbalances and inequities prevalent in pre-primary, school-based and post-secondary education in respect of access to education, financing of education, and human and physical resources is given. As a way forward, some recommendations for the redressing of the imbalances and inequities identified in this study are presented. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (History of Education)

This study, in the main, focuses on the racial imbalances and inequities that characterised South African education between 1965 and 1992. A historical background of the South African educational system as well as an account on the apartheid ideology and its impact on education is presented. For the four principle racial groups in South Africa, namely, the Africans, Indians, Whites and Coloureds, a historicaleducational survey of the imbalances and inequities prevalent in pre-primary, school-based and post-secondary education in respect of access to education, financing of education, and human and physical resources is given. As a way forward, some recommendations for the redressing of the imbalances and inequities identified in this study are presented. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (History of Education)

This study explored school choice and school commuting in the town of Ladybrand in the Free State Province. A mixed research method (survey and qualitative interviews) was used. Grade 8 parents from all three public secondary schools in Ladybrand were surveyed. Members of the School Governing Bodies (SGB) and School Management Teams (SMT) were also interviewed. The study found that all three schools are dominated by Black African children, although Ladybrand High (a fee-charging, former Model C, whites-only school), had a multiracial learner profile. Most Black African learners in Ladybrand High came from lower to middle-class working homes in the neighbouring township. Lesotho nationals were also enrolled in this school. Most Ladybrand High learners had parents who are married, financially resourced, educated, and working in skilled or professional jobs. In terms of Lereng Secondary and Sehlabeng Secondary School (both no-fee township schools), most learners hail from poorly educated, single-parent homes, where the parents are either working in semi-skilled or unskilled jobs or are unemployed. None were from Lesotho. Their financial status is weak. These parents said they selected the school based on proximity and low cost, whereas quality of education drove enrolment in Ladybrand High. Thus, the schools in the Ladybrand area demonstrate that class segregation has replaced apartheid race segregation. Learners from Ladybrand High commute using a variety of transport modes, while learners in township schools either use a subsidised government bus or walk – in some cases long distances if they live on neighbouring farms. The township schools complained of poor learner discipline and feeling unsafe due to local gang activities, both of which negatively impact on the functioning of the schools. This was not the case with Ladybrand High. While all the schools offer extra lessons, the two township schools hold extensive extra-lesson sessions and matriculation study camps. / Environmental Sciences / M. Sc. (Environmental Management)

The Umnini Tribal Authority is a poor, semi-rural area in KwaZulu-Natal, governed by a local chief. This study set out to determine school commuting patterns in relation to school choice and socio-economic status (SES) in the area. Mixed methods were used, involving a parental questionnaire survey, interviews, focus groups and a field audit with photographs. Overall, almost all learners enrolled in the seven 'no-fee' state primary (four) and high schools (three) under study were found to be Black African, IsiZulu speakers, and generally ‘extremely poor’ to ‘very poor’. Most households are headed by single mothers who have completed high school but are unemployed. Most households rely on government social grants to some extent. Most fathers were either absent, poorly educated to uneducated, and far less likely to be employed than the mothers. Children living with both parents, especially where the father was tertiary educated, and the mother employed, fell into the ‘less poor’ and ‘better off than most’ categories. In terms of school choice affordability, good teachers, good school management and proximity to home were the main drivers of enrolment. SES seems to have an impact on the amount of money spent on school lunches and school expenses, although there were some concerning exceptions. Primary school learners walked to school, but many parents pay for monthly transport. Some use the government-subsidised bus. High school learners tended to have longer and less safe journeys to school and back than primary school learners. This is especially true for boy learners, who are targets for criminals, drug addicts and, even worse, school bus drivers. Several challenges face all these learners en route to school every day: crime, unsafe and poor road conditions, roadworthy vehicles, long journeys and rough terrain. Primary school learners often get lost or left behind by their transport drivers. Fortunately, their teachers are actively involved in ensuring their safety and well-being – far more so than their parents, who seldom even know the name of the transport driver, let alone whether the vehicle is appropriate, roadworthy or licenced. High school learners were more likely to live in ‘extremely poor’ to ‘very poor’ households, a possible indicator that financially better-off parents are sending their high school children to schools outside of the area. It is recommended that the local tribal authority, the provincial government, the schools, parents and drivers need to work in unison to make the school commute simpler and safer. / Environmental Sciences / M. Sc. (Environmental Management)

This disseration addresses a historical-education analysis of events that contributed to the deterioration of a culture of learning from 1652-1998 among Black South Africans. Black education was purported to be inferior and unjust. The previous government spent less on Black education and applied stringent measures to solve problems besetting Black education. Dissatisfaction among Blacks led to rioting that unsettled the culture of learning, especially during 1970-1990. It was only during the 1990's that the Nationalist government under F.W. de Klerk, acknowledged the legitimacy of the demands by Blacks for an equitable and just education. After Nelson Mandela had been elected as the first Black president of South Africa, a single education system was formed. Control and administration of education was assigned to the nine newly established provinces. The provinces adopted the motto : Re a soma - We are working in our schools, for the development of a culture of learning, especially in Black communities. / Educational Studies / M.Ed.(History of Education)

This disseration addresses a historical-education analysis of events that contributed to the deterioration of a culture of learning from 1652-1998 among Black South Africans. Black education was purported to be inferior and unjust. The previous government spent less on Black education and applied stringent measures to solve problems besetting Black education. Dissatisfaction among Blacks led to rioting that unsettled the culture of learning, especially during 1970-1990. It was only during the 1990's that the Nationalist government under F.W. de Klerk, acknowledged the legitimacy of the demands by Blacks for an equitable and just education. After Nelson Mandela had been elected as the first Black president of South Africa, a single education system was formed. Control and administration of education was assigned to the nine newly established provinces. The provinces adopted the motto : Re a soma - We are working in our schools, for the development of a culture of learning, especially in Black communities. / Educational Studies / M.Ed.(History of Education)

Formal state-controlled education has been a central element for social development in South Africa since the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910. The establishment and promotion of a culture of learning and teaching is regarded as a pre-condition for high educational standards. This thesis is a study of the role of the state in the establishment of a culture of learning and teaching in South Africa from 1910 to 2004. To understand the role that the state played in promoting, or inhibiting, a culture of learning and teaching, a historical review was taken of the state's role in formal schooling in the period of the Union (1910-1947), the era of apartheid (1948-1989), the transitional period (1990-1994) and in the era of the democratic South Africa. As an ideal, the state has a responsibility to ensure the establishment of a culture of learning and teaching. The historical review revealed, however, that the state used its policies to promote political rather than educational ideologies - and in the process, there was a complete breakdown in a culture of learning and teaching. The establishment and promotion of a culture of learning and teaching towards the maintenance of high academic standards in South African state schools was the motivating force behind this study. Therefore, this study concludes with guidelines and recommendations grounded in the historical review that will hopefully promote a culture of learning and teaching in South African schools in future. / Educational Studies / D.Ed. (History of Education)

This dissertation is a study of academic freedom, an issue which is regarded as a precondition for the university's successful execution of its task, namely the advancement and dissemination of knowledge. To understand what academic freedom really implies and entails, a historical review was undertaken of the various interpretations of academic freedom in the Medieval Italy and France, Imperial Germany, the late 19th century and the 20th century American and South African universities. As an ideal, academic freedom implies the free but responsible search for knowledge and truth. The historical review revealed, however, that academic freedom has at times been misunderstood and abused. The realisation of true academic freedom in South African universities was the motivating force behind this study. Therefore, this study is concluded with guidelines and recommendations grounded in the historical review that will hopefully promote academic freedom in South African universities. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (History of Education)