Most forgiveness research focuses on the person harmed by a transgression and the benefits of granting forgiveness to the wrongdoer. This dissertation sought to contribute knowledge to the emerging field of forgiveness of the self. The aims of this study were to ascertain whether laypersons define self-forgiveness in the same manner as researchers and to explore the validity of a process-model of self-forgiveness. Of interest was also whether individuals in different stages of self-forgiveness differ in their beliefs and whether laypersons have the same understanding of self-forgiveness and the steps involved as the counsellors from whom they may seek guidance. Study 1 explored these questions in a sample of 121 undergraduate students, Study 2 in a sample of 189 members of the broader community, and Study 3 in a sample of 80 counsellors and psychologists. Participants provided a definition of self-forgiveness and put the hypothesized steps of self-forgiveness into a temporal order. Although there were differences in perspectives, participants tended to agree with researchers that self-forgiveness is letting go of negative thoughts and emotions, and adopting positive thoughts and emotions toward the self. However, participants went beyond this, stating that self-forgiveness is in large part learning to accept the self, moving on from the past, and growing from the experience. The majority of participants agreed that the steps proposed in the model are comprehensive of the self-forgiveness process. In each study, participants also agreed with the proposed ordering of approximately half of the units. However, students, community members, and counsellors had significantly different beliefs about the ordering each of the units. In addition, the ordering of the units often depended on the participant’s stage in the process of self-forgiveness (e.g., have never felt the need to forgive myself, would like to forgive myself but have not begun, am in the process of forgiving myself, have fully forgiven myself). The results of this study have practical applications for future self-forgiveness researchers, laypersons searching for information about how to begin forgiving oneself, and counsellors who encounter clients struggling with guilt, shame, and self-blame. / Graduate / 0621

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Thesis (D. Phil.(Psychotherapy))--University of Pretoria, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references.

While advancements in treatment have made HIV a more manageable disease, only recently have psychosocial variables associated with the health of persons living with HIV (PLH) began to receive increased scrutiny. HIV-related stigma, considered by some researchers to be a “second epidemic,” is one such psychosocial variable and is associated with negative physiological and psychological health outcomes. In an effort to alleviate the effects of stress, increased research attention has focused on forgiveness as a teachable coping strategy. Current forgiveness interventions demonstrate encouraging results in decreasing anger and neutralizing stress but have not been applied to HIV-positive populations. In this study, Lazarus and Folkman’s transactional model of stress and coping (1984) and Prochaska and Velicer’s transtheoretical model of health behavior (1997) were utilized as theoretical frameworks to inform a randomized clinical trial that examines coping skills, particularly forgiveness, in PLH and perceived HIV-related stigma. An ethnically diverse sample of HIV-positive adults (n = 57) was randomized into a treatment or control group. The treatment group participated in six weeks of cognitive-behavioral group therapy that focused on the teaching of forgiveness as an effective coping tool while the control group was psychoeducational in nature and did not involve mention of forgiveness. Data was obtained on a variety of medical and psychosocial variables, including types of forgiveness (dispositional forgiveness, forgiveness of self, forgiveness of others, and forgiveness of situations) and perceived HIV-related stigma. Data were collected at three time points: at baseline (Time 1) prior to randomization of participants to the treatment or control group, immediately post intervention (Time 2), and at six-month follow-up (Time 3). Importantly, forgiveness was shown to be a teachable skill that PLH can use to potentially improve mental health. Men in the treatment group reported significantly higher levels of dispositional forgiveness and self-forgiveness than men in the control group at six-month follow up. Additionally, self-forgiveness at Time 1 and self-forgiveness at Time 3 significantly accounted for 34% and 28% of the variance, respectively, in HIV-related stigma at Time 3. Though self-forgiveness was shown to be better than forgiveness of others in predicting HIV-related stigma, the forgiveness intervention was not effective in reducing overall HIV-related stigma in PLH. HIV-related stigma is likely more complex than originally conceptualized. Implications and future directions in improving interventions to mitigate HIV-related stigma are discussed.

This study examined the effectiveness of an intervention designed to increase self forgiveness for women who have recently experienced a romantic relationship breakup. Of particular interest were the interactions between adult attachment style, treatment condition, and time. The current study examined how the following variables differ between attachment style groups and how they change over time with respect to treatment condition: aspects of the former relationship, emotional responses to personal transgressions within the relationship, general negative and positive affect, dispositional forgivingness, positive and negative attitudes toward self, feelings of unforgiveness toward self and ex-partner, and feelings of forgiveness of self and ex-partner. Data were collected over a period of four weeks from 74 undergraduate women who had experienced a breakup within the two months prior to beginning the study. Results found that there were some initial differences in dependent variables between attachment style categories, which were controlled for when examining interaction effects between attachment, treatment condition, and time. Results indicated that attachment did not affect participants’ responses to the self-forgiveness intervention. However, there were significant interactions between treatment condition and time. Results are discussed in terms of previous research. Limitations of the current study are discussed and suggestions for future research are presented.

Notwithstanding progress made in description, prediction, and manipulation of self-forgiveness, the extant literature continues to be wrought with theoretical and empirical quandaries. In the current dissertation, I conceptualize self-forgiveness within the framework of Social Cognitive Theory and develop a two-factor scale to assess distinct decisional and emotional aspects of self-forgiveness among perpetrators of interpersonal transgressions. In Study One, I test the hypothesized two-factor structure in a new measure of state self-forgiveness and provide preliminary evidence supporting construct validity via associations of that measure with perceived responsibility, guilt, and shame. In Study Two, I replicate the factor structure and provide preliminary evidence of criterion-related validity by distinguishing self-forgiveness from self-punishment and self-exoneration using the two-factor structure. In Study Three, I explore profiles of association between the hypothesized decisional and emotional factors of self-forgiveness and pro-social as well as health-related correlates. In sum, findings generally supported the proposed two-factor structure of self-forgiveness, which provides a foundation for future investigations and applications of self-forgiveness.

Self-compassion and self-forgiveness appear to have much in common, as both relate to one’s self-regard during challenging circumstances; however, their empirical relationship is largely yet to be explored. The present study examines theoretical and empirical areas of overlap and proposes a theory of their relationship, including its possible impact on health. Self-compassion and self-forgiveness were proposed to have a direct relationship that may be mediated by reduction in rumination, shame, and experiential avoidance. These factors together were also hypothesized to have a positive impact on health functioning. The current study tested these models in a sample of undergraduate students (n = 199). In parallel mediation analysis, selfcompassion and self-forgiveness were related to one another and this association was partially mediated by shame, only. As such, neither rumination nor experiential avoidance were included in subsequent analyses. In serial mediation analyses, self-compassion, shame, and selfforgiveness were found to affect health outcomes in various ways. For psychological distress, the association of self-compassion was partially mediated by shame and self-forgiveness, in an indistinguishable fashion. For mental health status, self-compassion was found to have a significant direct effect, only. For both somatic symptoms (full mediation) and physical health status (indirect only effect), the association of self-compassion operated through self-forgiveness both alone and linked with shame. As these two emerging areas in the psychological literature continue to mature, researchers should prioritize both integration between and nuances within these constructs in order to develop a more complete understanding of self-compassion, selfforgiveness, and their implications for health.

Growing evidence for the salubrious association of spirituality with physical and mental health related outcomes has led to the consideration of spirituality as a protective factor against suicidal behavior. Although support for this basic association is robust, particularly in the context of religious belief and attendance, spirituality has yet to be explored as it relates to psychache—intense, unrelenting psychological pain. Additionally, self-forgiveness has emerged as an important protective factor against suicidal behavior, but has not been explored in the context of psychache. Following a model developed by Webb, Hirsch, and Toussaint (2015), we examine the protective role of spirituality on suicidal behavior, based on three dimensions of spirituality: ritualistic, theistic, and existential. Cross-sectional data were collected from the self-report surveys of 262 individuals drawn from the larger U.S. community. Results suggest that existential spirituality may be the dimension of spirituality most robustly associated with suicidal behavior. Further, self-forgiveness and psychache were found to be mediators of the relationship between existential spirituality and suicidal behavior. Synthesis of the findings from this study, and the implications thereof, are discussed.

Two studies were conducted to determine how self-forgiveness and other perpetrator reactions influence the perpetrator and the victim after a romantic relationship transgression. Study 1 used a longitudinal design to determine how guilt and shame predicted the trajectory of self-forgiveness, self-excusing, and self-punishing in participants who had recently been the perpetrator of a romantic relationship transgression. Those experiencing higher guilt at baseline had higher self-forgiveness starting out and those lower on guilt starting out had a greater change in self-forgiveness. Those experiencing more guilt at baseline experienced less change in self-forgiveness over time. Shame was not significantly related to self-forgiveness over time. Those experiencing higher shame at baseline were higher in self-excusing starting out. Those lower on shame starting out had a greater increase in self-excusing over time and those experiencing more shame at baseline experienced less increase in self-excusing over time. Guilt was not significantly related to self-excusing over time. Neither guilt nor shame predicted change in self-punishment over time. In Study 2, couples came into the lab and wrote about the same offense. One participant wrote from the perspective of the perpetrator and the other from the perspective of the victim. Victims reported their forgiveness and perception of their partners’ reactions to wrongdoing. Perpetrators reported their perception of their partners’ feelings of forgiveness and their feelings of self-forgiveness, self-excusing, and self-punishing. Both members reported their relationship satisfaction and commitment. Overall, self-forgiveness by the perpetrator was not a strong predictor of perpetrator satisfaction or commitment. Victims were more satisfied and committed when perceiving self-forgiveness from their partner, even though their partners’ self-forgiveness did not have an effect. Self-forgiveness only positively predicted perpetrators’ satisfaction and commitment when participants reported decisional self-forgiveness. Victims’ perceptions of the perpetrators’ self-excusing and perpetrators’ self-punishing negatively predicted victim commitment and satisfaction. Victims’ perceived perpetrator self-punishing positively predicted perpetrators’ commitment. Perpetrator perceived victim forgiveness and victim forgiveness both positively predicted satisfaction for the perpetrator and the victim. This suggests that perpetrators’ perceptions of victim forgiveness may be more important for the perpetrator than the victim actually forgiving them.

Self-forgiveness is a growing sub-field of the broader study of forgiveness, and initial research has linked self-forgiveness to positive mental and physical health outcomes. However, the extant literature on self-forgiveness is in its infancy, and there is a need for further research to understand the predictors of self-forgiveness and the clinical implications that might follow. The current study aimed to build on the extant literature by exploring two sets of predictors of self-forgiveness: (1) the four Rs as proposed in Cornish and Wade's four-R therapeutic model of self-forgiveness (i.e., responsibility, remorse, restoration, and renewal) and (2) personality as measured by the Big Five. This study also explored how responsibility for the offense and humility might moderate the relationship between self-forgiveness and well-being. Participants were undergraduates recruited from a large, public university in the southwestern United States. They were instructed to describe a recent interpersonal offense they had committed and complete a questionnaire. The overall results suggest that there is a negative cross-sectional relationship between responsibility, remorse, and restoration with self-forgiveness and that, when taken together, the four-Rs account for a significant amount of variance in self-forgiveness. Neuroticism was negatively associated with self-forgiveness while conscientiousness and extraversion were positively associated with self-forgiveness. The Big Five collectively accounted for a significant amount of variance in self-forgiveness. Finally, neither responsibility or humility were found to moderate the relationship between self-forgiveness and well-being. Limitations, suggestions for future research, and clinical implications are discussed.