Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1989. / Also available in print.

This dissertation explores the interaction between literati and various social forces in east China in the mid-seventeenth century by focusing on their military performance. Based on a wide range of sources, the study focuses on about twenty literati, most of whom have never been previously researched from a military history perspective. It examines the diversity and complexity of Chinese literati as they pursued power over and within local society, paying special attention to the interrelation between them (literati and society). It argues that Chinese literati in this time period had much less aptitude in changing China than has been previously thought. Both individual and group case studies show that they mainly focused on the realization of an ideal goal, but were unwilling or ill-equipped to adapt themselves to changing conditions as well as environments. This study also indicates that the local military forces as well as ordinary peasants generally played a more crucial role than the literati; the latter's superior position could only be realized in times of peace. That civil and military officials affected each other in fact is an expression of a larger relationship between the central government and its own military forces or with certain local forces. Finally, this study concludes that Chinese literati as a whole had no idea how to integrate and lead the other social forces to reach an ideal goal in that specific time period.

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本文並不同於孟森等的史家立場，將民國流行的清朝「四大疑案」：太后下嫁、順治出家、雍正奪位與乾隆出身海寧等作為辯駁對象；而是將清末民初記載疑案的筆記野史與長篇歷史演義，作為小說創作的「現象」考察，觀察小說家如何在通俗場域中，「製作」出大眾熱於閱讀，卻不同於史書上的帝王形象。「四大疑案」所涉及的帝王為順治、康熙、雍正、乾隆四帝，當康乾三朝被文人以「盛世」歌頌時，盛世三朝對漢人言論的嚴格箝制，亦讓晚清民國流傳豐富的盛世帝王野史。而民國時期的小說家，不僅作意好奇，處於消費娛樂的語境中，亦融合「小說救國」的風潮，進而形成具「排滿」與「漢族」意識的「演義救國」創作群，在筆墨之間多夾雜華夷之辨、滿漢意識。 本文的研究目的，在於指出民國歷史演義在新小說的影響下，如何從傳統的「演義」文類過渡到「新演義」，形成描寫自清以來的民族「傷心史」；並梳理順治、康熙、雍正、乾隆四帝的野史傳聞，在文人作品如《影梅庵憶語》和《紅樓夢》，以及官方出版的典籍如《大義覺迷錄》和乾隆御製詩的基礎上，匯合清末不同的野史筆記，在多種身分轉化、觀念演變等文學手法中形成富含漢族意識的長篇歷史演義。在順治野史裡，帝王被化作為情出家的「情種」，而董鄂氏作為「天眷」，野史卻將其降格反諷為明遺民冒襄寵妾的「名妓」董小宛；從「天眷—名妓」的女體形塑，可見清朝國體被替換為明代國體的寓言轉換。康熙朝的雍正奪嫡，則將帝王化作武俠，藉由頭顱被割下的復仇敘事與身體政治，將清朝統治正統「大義」藉由「俠義」平反。乾隆皇帝在野史中則多以「漢家皇帝」現身，歷史上奉母南巡的「孝」在言說中質變為對漢家身世的「孝」，而「海寧省親」所啟動的風月故事，亦成為小說家筆下清朝國運轉衰的關鍵。種種身分與觀念的轉變，皆攸關漢人與滿人的矛盾。本文並認為民國相關小說產量豐富，當代作家金庸、高陽、瓊瑤均有所承繼，如不釐清民國小說的本來面目，即容易忽略從晚清至當代，小說創作脈絡中的「民國根源」與「現代路徑」。 / Since the late Qing and early Republican, historians have debated about the four big mysteries of Qing四大奇案, which were popular stories about Qing Dynasty: Empress Xiaozhuang's rumored marriage to Dorgon太后下嫁; Qing Shizu’s entering a monastery順治出家; Qing Shizong’s inheriting the throne雍正奪嫡; and Qinglong as a son of a Han family, the Chens, in Haining乾隆出身海寧陳家. Evinced by many unofficial histories and popular novels, the four big mysteries were well and alive in late Qing society. While historians treat these mysteries as suspicious rumors, this thesis uses the perspectives of collective memory and narrative production in order to examine the ways in which the emperors in these mysteries are in effect fabricated. I contend that the rewritings and literal sequels of high Qing emperors in the four big mysteries were not only products of public entertainment, but they also represented the Han’ s traumatic memory and their ideals of anti-Manchuism, especially as they are correlated with the “new novels” 新小說employed by late Qing intellectuals to aid their pursuit of the national enlightenment in modern China. In the first chapter, I assert that contemporary historical novels of Qing emperors are mostly based on the re-writings since late Qing. In my view, without discovering the “roots” of the late Qing novels readers would be able to misunderstand the “routes” that the contemporary history novels have paved. In the second chapter, I reevaluate the classical genre of Chinese novels: yanyi演義 from early Republican China. During this period, Yanyi connected the thoughts of national enlightenment and “salvation and survival” 救亡圖存 in the “new novel”, giving rise to what I call “new yenyi”新演義, which was apparently different from the original one. In the following chapters, I focus on how the Qing emperors, such as Shunzhi順治, Yongcheng雍正 and Qianlong乾隆, are portrayed to express Ming-Qing transitional dynasty memory and the trauma of Manchu’s political persecution by way of using literary symbols, such as corresponding pattern of “body” and “nation” in literature. In the third chapter, by discussing how the courtesan Dong Xiao-wan, who was married to an adherent of Ming Mao Xiang, was referred to the princess consort Donggo, I argue that the Shunzhi emperor was “adherentized” 遺民化to an adherent of a former dynasty. In the fourth chapter, I examine the ways in which the Yungcheng Emperor, a great monarch of Qing dynasty, is transformed into a despot and peculiarly into a knight-errant, particularly his violent death, in which he was decapitated by the female knight-errant Lü Siniang (Lü’s fourth daughter). In the fictional narrative, the assassination of Yung-cheng (the fourth son of the Qing royal family) by Lü’s fourth daughter leads the readers to contemplate the Qing’s legitimacy and the position of the Han Chinese against the Manchus. Finally, by analyzing the narrative of Qianlong as a son of Han family, instead of Manchu family, I aim to explain the historical cause of Qianlong’s southern tour, namely, filial piety, as he was alternated to a kind of nostalgia for the hometown where he was born.

丁穎茵. / "2000年6月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2000. / 參考文獻 (leaves 204-214) / 附中英文摘要. / "2000 nian 6 yue" / Ding Yingyin. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2000. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 204-214) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Chapter 第一章´Ø --- 問題與回顧 / Chapter 一、 --- 王學與科舉 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 近人研究回顧 --- p.2 / Chapter 1/ --- 有關思想史硏究的構想 --- p.2 / Chapter 2/ --- 科舉制度與考試文化 --- p.7 / Chapter 3/ --- 個案硏究 --- p.11 / Chapter 三、 --- 章節安排 --- p.15 / Chapter 第二章´Ø --- 從考試評審標準論明代學術的轉變 / Chapter 一、 --- 舉業與學術 --- p.17 / Chapter 1/ --- 科舉的另一面 --- p.17 / Chapter 2/ --- 批評朱學的試卷 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、 --- 評審標準的趣¯‘ة --- p.20 / Chapter 1/ --- 史料與評審標準 --- p.20 / Chapter 2/ --- 各科考試的重點 --- p.21 / Chapter 3/ --- 評審標準的「無我」到「有我」 --- p.27 / Chapter 三、 --- 從朱學到王學 --- p.30 / Chapter 1/ --- 體認的歷史淵源 --- p.30 / Chapter 2/ --- 體認的升格 --- p.31 / Chapter 3/ --- 體認標準的衝擊 --- p.38 / Chapter 4/ --- 體認的另一出路四 --- p.42 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.47 / Chapter 第三章´Ø --- 唐順之：考試用書與科舉 / Chapter 一、 --- 《文編》的編撰 --- p.49 / Chapter 二、 --- 從科舉之道到入聖之途 --- p.50 / Chapter 三、 --- 明代考試用書簡介 --- p.57 / Chapter 四、 --- 理想與現實的平衡 --- p.62 / Chapter 1/ --- 第三場的考試範圍 --- p.63 / Chapter 2/ --- 《文編》：神明與應試之奧妙 --- p.68 / Chapter 3/ --- 《諸儒語要》：關係世教與登第之作 --- p.76 / Chapter 五、 --- 《文編》、《諸儒語要》的下場 --- p.82 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論 --- p.85 / Chapter 第四章´Ø --- 王畿：德業、舉業並重的講會 / Chapter 一、 --- 隨緣解縛法 --- p.88 / Chapter 二、 --- 講會：吾人此生大事 --- p.90 / Chapter 1/ --- 何謂講會？ --- p.91 / Chapter 2/ --- 交修麗澤之益 --- p.97 / Chapter 3/ --- 舉業與德業：理想的講會 --- p.103 / Chapter 三、 --- 學術與事業 --- p.109 / Chapter 1/ --- 《登科錄》：王學的舉業紀錄 --- p.110 / Chapter 2/ --- 王畿學生：王門德業的傳承 --- p.115 / Chapter 四、 --- 狂者是非 --- p.122 / Chapter 1/ --- 腹背受敵的傳道人 --- p.123 / Chapter 2/ --- 師門血脈的展開 --- p.129 / Chapter 3/ --- 一代宗盟的魅力 --- p.133 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.137 / Chapter 第五章´Ø --- 耿定向：地方教育與王學的傳播 / Chapter 一、 --- 德業、舉業與功名富貴 --- p.140 / Chapter 二、 --- 謹序庠之教 --- p.143 / Chapter 1/ --- 鄒魯之教 --- p.144 / Chapter 2/ --- 策問：學道之筌 --- p.146 / Chapter 3/ --- 講學：尋譯正道的入門 --- p.156 / Chapter 三、 --- 道不遠施 --- p.162 / Chapter 1/ --- 《權子》：王學的野語、童謠 --- p.163 / Chapter 2/ --- 《繹異編》：郢書燕說 --- p.170 / Chapter 四、 --- 傳道與授業 --- p.181 / Chapter 1/ --- 《登科錄》：功名與德業的紀錄 --- p.182 / Chapter 2/ --- 耿門弟子：德業的傳承 --- p.188 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.194 / Chapter 第六章´Ø --- 結論 / Chapter 一、 --- 舉業即「士業」 --- p.197 / Chapter 二、 --- 考試評審標準一體認內涵的轉變 --- p.197 / Chapter 三、 --- 王學的傳播 --- p.198 / 參考書目 --- p.204 / 附錄一：明代鄉試、會試中選比率表 --- p.215 / 附錄二：明代科舉考試第三場題目分類表 --- p.217 / 附錄三：王畿學生生平簡介表 --- p.244 / 附錄四：耿定向策問題目分類表 --- p.246