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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

盛世才與國民政府關係之研究(1933~1944) / Research into the Relationship between Sheng Shih-ts'ai and e National Government

高素蘭, Kao, Su Lan Unknown Date (has links)
盛世才在中國現代史上是一叱風雲而又極具爭議性的軍政人物,掌新十二年,周旋於國府與蘇聯間以圖存,是非功過尤多爭論,而中外學者以其與國民政府關係為題的研究,付之闕如,故本論文擬以《盛世才與國民政府關係之研究》為題,期對二者能有忠實的呈現。本論文除緒論及結論外,分為三章,各章要義如下:第一章「初掌新疆政權時期」,主要討論盛氏在新疆的崛起,取得政權的經過。盛氏參與新疆軍事,屢立戰功,被推為臨時邊防督辦,卻未獲得中央支持,致雙方產生疑忌,為了自存,乃尋求蘇聯援助,新疆暫時獲得和平統一。第二章「親蘇容共時期」,盛氏為建設新新疆,困於財力,不得已向蘇聯舉債,推行六大政策,雖使新疆變為中國先進的省區,新疆則從此受蘇聯控制。盛氏收容中共西路軍,予以訓練,使瀕臨崩潰的西路軍餘部發展茁壯。探討盛氏親蘇容共的過程,以勾劃出盛與蘇聯、中共的關係,並了解中央對盛、蘇及中共關係的肆應。第三章「中央勢力入新時期」,蘇聯對新疆各方面的控制,令盛氏不得喘息,乃利用蘇德戰爭擺脫蘇聯的羈絆,內附中央,蘇聯提出嚴厲指責,中央極力維護盛氏,蘇聯只有自新疆撤退,後盛又生反側,中央當機立斷,新疆正式回歸中央。盛氏主新,固有其過錯,但就事情輕重而言,其竭力捍衛新疆,未如外蒙、西藏般被外人入侵,疆土淪失,自有其頁獻,蔣委員長曾論其事:「不費一彈而璧還中央,此為邊疆大吏最大之功績。」「盛世才將省政交還中央,可以將功贖罪。」如專就盛氏此一交權舉動而言,尚為持平之論。
2

盛清時期的布政使研究

陳連域 Unknown Date (has links)
清朝布政使之職能,大略論之,有民政、財政、其他三方面。民政上,舉凡德音的宣達、戶口的調查、鄉試的提調、墾荒的起科、楷模的旌表,甚至祥瑞的呈報等等,布政使皆與其事;財政上,則錢糧之奏銷、解協各餉的解送、收支出納的調劑,莫不屬布政使之責;其他方面,包含官員之就任、離任、迴避、丁憂、薦舉、瀆職、不適任等相關事務,亦皆布政使轄之。由此可知布政使事務之繁忙及責任之綦重,然亦因此,可知其在清朝官僚體系中具有一定重要性。 體制內之繁忙職能外,要了解布政使,更不可忽視其在體制外所肩負之種種任務。這些體制外之任務,有為完成體制內職能所不得不做者;有身處地方政治圈中所不得不妥協者;亦有因於政經局勢,而被交付之額外任務者。這些不存於官書典籍上之體制外任務,彰顯了布政使在政治上的多重作用與功能,透過本文的討論,將呈現布政使這個動態的面貌。 由於布政使既需擔負靜態的體制內職能,復又有體制外之動態任務,故膺任布政使者必須要有一定程度之素質、能力,方可勝任;惟布政使之職能繁重並非沒有代價,蓋其職能繁重之餘,也為自己積累了寶貴的政治資本,使其自身在整個官僚體系中更具向上晉陞的競爭力。本文分析了盛清康、雍、乾三朝超過1000人次之布政使資料,基本呈現了盛清布政使之出身、陞轉遷調、任期以及滿漢組成結構等幾個具有仕途指標意義的面向。這些分析結果,除有助於進一步認知布政使之職官特性外,更重要的是,也反映了時代的變遷以及皇帝的用人態度。 本文以盛清時期的布政使作為研究中心,主要目的在探究布政使一職在康雍乾盛世下的時代面貌。康熙(1662-1722)、雍正(1723-1735)、乾隆(1736-1795)三帝共在位134年,斯時清朝國力鼎盛,文治武功遠邁漢唐,康、雍、乾三帝合力打造了盛清時代,也開創出後世稱頌的曠古盛世。康、雍、乾三帝,雖皆勤政,但性格各異,德治、法治、文治各有所重,因之所引領形塑而出之時代風格亦不同。布政使在這三個不同風格的時代中如何與皇帝進行互動?如何因應時代的變遷?如何滿足不同的政治期望?如何調整自己的行事步調?都是本文探究焦點。 從整個盛世形成的發展來看,康雍乾三帝的勵精圖治固是一大因素,但建構歷史者並非僅有皇帝一人而已,皇帝之下整個文官體系的運轉成效,也是建構歷史發展的重要因子。從這個角度看,在地方上職任綦重之布政使必然在整個盛世的締造過程中起到一定之歷史作用,這個歷史作用,是布政使存在盛清這個大時代中的核心價值。
3

製作盛世皇帝—清末民初野史對清帝王的記憶與想像 / The Fabrication of High Qing Emperors: Rewritings and Historical Memories of Qing Emperors in Late Qing and Early Republican China

黃璿璋, Huang, Hsuan Chang Unknown Date (has links)
本文並不同於孟森等的史家立場,將民國流行的清朝「四大疑案」:太后下嫁、順治出家、雍正奪位與乾隆出身海寧等作為辯駁對象;而是將清末民初記載疑案的筆記野史與長篇歷史演義,作為小說創作的「現象」考察,觀察小說家如何在通俗場域中,「製作」出大眾熱於閱讀,卻不同於史書上的帝王形象。「四大疑案」所涉及的帝王為順治、康熙、雍正、乾隆四帝,當康乾三朝被文人以「盛世」歌頌時,盛世三朝對漢人言論的嚴格箝制,亦讓晚清民國流傳豐富的盛世帝王野史。而民國時期的小說家,不僅作意好奇,處於消費娛樂的語境中,亦融合「小說救國」的風潮,進而形成具「排滿」與「漢族」意識的「演義救國」創作群,在筆墨之間多夾雜華夷之辨、滿漢意識。 本文的研究目的,在於指出民國歷史演義在新小說的影響下,如何從傳統的「演義」文類過渡到「新演義」,形成描寫自清以來的民族「傷心史」;並梳理順治、康熙、雍正、乾隆四帝的野史傳聞,在文人作品如《影梅庵憶語》和《紅樓夢》,以及官方出版的典籍如《大義覺迷錄》和乾隆御製詩的基礎上,匯合清末不同的野史筆記,在多種身分轉化、觀念演變等文學手法中形成富含漢族意識的長篇歷史演義。在順治野史裡,帝王被化作為情出家的「情種」,而董鄂氏作為「天眷」,野史卻將其降格反諷為明遺民冒襄寵妾的「名妓」董小宛;從「天眷—名妓」的女體形塑,可見清朝國體被替換為明代國體的寓言轉換。康熙朝的雍正奪嫡,則將帝王化作武俠,藉由頭顱被割下的復仇敘事與身體政治,將清朝統治正統「大義」藉由「俠義」平反。乾隆皇帝在野史中則多以「漢家皇帝」現身,歷史上奉母南巡的「孝」在言說中質變為對漢家身世的「孝」,而「海寧省親」所啟動的風月故事,亦成為小說家筆下清朝國運轉衰的關鍵。種種身分與觀念的轉變,皆攸關漢人與滿人的矛盾。本文並認為民國相關小說產量豐富,當代作家金庸、高陽、瓊瑤均有所承繼,如不釐清民國小說的本來面目,即容易忽略從晚清至當代,小說創作脈絡中的「民國根源」與「現代路徑」。 / Since the late Qing and early Republican, historians have debated about the four big mysteries of Qing四大奇案, which were popular stories about Qing Dynasty: Empress Xiaozhuang's rumored marriage to Dorgon太后下嫁; Qing Shizu’s entering a monastery順治出家; Qing Shizong’s inheriting the throne雍正奪嫡; and Qinglong as a son of a Han family, the Chens, in Haining乾隆出身海寧陳家. Evinced by many unofficial histories and popular novels, the four big mysteries were well and alive in late Qing society. While historians treat these mysteries as suspicious rumors, this thesis uses the perspectives of collective memory and narrative production in order to examine the ways in which the emperors in these mysteries are in effect fabricated. I contend that the rewritings and literal sequels of high Qing emperors in the four big mysteries were not only products of public entertainment, but they also represented the Han’ s traumatic memory and their ideals of anti-Manchuism, especially as they are correlated with the “new novels” 新小說employed by late Qing intellectuals to aid their pursuit of the national enlightenment in modern China. In the first chapter, I assert that contemporary historical novels of Qing emperors are mostly based on the re-writings since late Qing. In my view, without discovering the “roots” of the late Qing novels readers would be able to misunderstand the “routes” that the contemporary history novels have paved. In the second chapter, I reevaluate the classical genre of Chinese novels: yanyi演義 from early Republican China. During this period, Yanyi connected the thoughts of national enlightenment and “salvation and survival” 救亡圖存 in the “new novel”, giving rise to what I call “new yenyi”新演義, which was apparently different from the original one. In the following chapters, I focus on how the Qing emperors, such as Shunzhi順治, Yongcheng雍正 and Qianlong乾隆, are portrayed to express Ming-Qing transitional dynasty memory and the trauma of Manchu’s political persecution by way of using literary symbols, such as corresponding pattern of “body” and “nation” in literature. In the third chapter, by discussing how the courtesan Dong Xiao-wan, who was married to an adherent of Ming Mao Xiang, was referred to the princess consort Donggo, I argue that the Shunzhi emperor was “adherentized” 遺民化to an adherent of a former dynasty. In the fourth chapter, I examine the ways in which the Yungcheng Emperor, a great monarch of Qing dynasty, is transformed into a despot and peculiarly into a knight-errant, particularly his violent death, in which he was decapitated by the female knight-errant Lü Siniang (Lü’s fourth daughter). In the fictional narrative, the assassination of Yung-cheng (the fourth son of the Qing royal family) by Lü’s fourth daughter leads the readers to contemplate the Qing’s legitimacy and the position of the Han Chinese against the Manchus. Finally, by analyzing the narrative of Qianlong as a son of Han family, instead of Manchu family, I aim to explain the historical cause of Qianlong’s southern tour, namely, filial piety, as he was alternated to a kind of nostalgia for the hometown where he was born.

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