Supervision of human vital signs has always been an essential part in healthcare. Nowadays there is a strong interest in contact-less monitoring methods as they operate less static and offer higher flexibility to the people observed. Recent industrial development enabled radar functionality to be packed in single-chip solutions, decreasing application complexity and speeding up designs. Within this thesis, a vital sign radar prototype has been developed utilising a recently released 60GHz frequency modulated continous wave single-chip radar. The electronics development has been focused on compactness and high system integration. Special attention has been given to the onboard analogue signal filtering and digital data preprocessing. The resulting prototype radar is then tested and evaluated using test scenarios with increasing difficulty. The final experiments prove that the radar is capable of tracking human respiration rate and heartbeat simultaneously from a distance of 1m. It can be concluded that modern radar devices may be significantly miniaturised for e.g. portable operation while offering a wide variety of application possibilities including vital sign monitoring.

Little is known about stuttering in signed languages. Although disfluencies are known to occur in deaf users of signed languages, there has been little research suggesting that these disfluencies can be termed "stuttering". Because signed language studies is an emerging field and there are many answers that remain unknown, debate over the appropriate terminology for disfluencies in signed languages persists. While one argument is that stuttering is characterized by disfluencies in oral speech alone, a second argument is that the "stuttering" label can be extended to deaf signed language users as a result of similar neurological activations associated with oral speech and sign. Although not the primary purpose of this report, labeling disfluencies in signed languages as "stuttering" could have several advantages, such that the stuttering label could help individuals qualify for services, and determine the most appropriate ways to go about treating the disorder, clinically. There are several neuropsycholingustic theories which attempt to explain the etiology of stuttering. In this report, I will analyze each of these and suggest ways in which they can be adapted to stuttering in signed languages. The purpose of this report is to explore the idea of stuttering in signed languages and provide a framework and rationale for future studies of similar interest and intent. An examination of stuttering in signed languages will increase our general knowledge and awareness of stuttering, and suggest an alternative modality for which stuttering can be treated clinically. / text

There are two main hypotheses examined in the dissertation. The first is that the physiology of the hand provides motivation for the claim that sign language handshapes can be considered easy, hard or even impossible to articulate. The second hypothesis is that easy handshapes occur more often than expected, hard handshapes occur less often than expected and impossible handshapes don't occur at all within a single sign language. These hypotheses are examined in the following ways: first, I provide a detailed explanation of the physiology of the hand from which I conclude that not all fingers are equal in skill and not all configurations a hand may assume are equally easy. Second, based on the physiology, I propose a metric for determining which handshapes are "easy" and which are "difficult". Third, I examine whether the "easy" handshapes occur more often than expected, while the "hard" handshapes occur less often than expected in the signs of two languages, American Sign Language (ASL) and Taiwan Sign Language (TSL). I conclude that the hypothesis that the "easy" handshapes occur more often than expected and the "hard" handshapes occur less often than expected is supported in approximately half of the cases.

Speakers of American Sign Language use surrogates and tokens throughout their discourse. Surrogates allow signers to shift roles (or perspectives) and “become” a character or other entity in their discourse. Tokens allow them to miniaturize entities and bring them into a smaller signing space. Scott Liddell claims that surrogates and tokens cannot interact or converse with one another. He states that because surrogates are in the “here and now” and tokens are not, they are unable to interact with each other. He also claims that surrogates and tokens are unable to enter each other’s signing spaces. In this research project, I explore examples that show otherwise. I have found examples where surrogates and tokens would be able to converse with one another, should the need arise. I have also found examples of tokens entering surrogate space, giving them the “here and now” feature Liddell says they do not possess. / May 2016

Lee Yin Fai. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [143-148]). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgement --- p.i / Abstract --- p.ii / Contents --- p.iv / List of Tables --- p.vi / Chapter Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.0 --- Negation in natural language --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Negation in spoken languages: a typological description --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Sentential negation and constituent negation --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2.1 --- Assertion and sentential negation --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2.2 --- Sentential negation and emphatic affirmation --- p.8 / Chapter 1.2.3 --- Sentential negation versus constituent negation --- p.10 / Chapter 1.3. --- Sentential negation and the tense/aspect system --- p.13 / Chapter 1.4 --- Scope ambiguities of quantification and sentential negation --- p.16 / Chapter 1.5 --- Scope of the present study --- p.22 / Chapter 1.6 --- Data collection and notation conventions --- p.28 / Chapter 1.6.1 --- Spontaneous naturalistic data --- p.28 / Chapter 1.6.2 --- Elicited data --- p.28 / Chapter 1.6.3 --- Notation conventions --- p.29 / Chapter 1.7 --- Thesis organization --- p.29 / Chapter Chapter 2. --- Negation in Sign Languages --- p.31 / Chapter 2.0 --- Introduction --- p.31 / Chapter 2.1 --- Negation in sign languages: a typological description --- p.31 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Constituent negation in sign languages --- p.33 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Sentential negation in sign languages --- p.35 / Chapter 2.2 --- Different approaches to analyses of negation in sign languages --- p.40 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- The syntax of headshake in sign languages --- p.40 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- The syntax and semantics of ASL manual negation markers --- p.46 / Chapter 2.2.2.1 --- Syntax and Semantics of negators in ASL --- p.46 / Chapter 2.2.2.2 --- Clause-final negator and focus?? --- p.58 / Chapter 2.3 --- Chapter summary --- p.61 / Chapter Chapter 3. --- Negation in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.63 / Chapter 3.0 --- Introduction --- p.63 / Chapter 3.1 --- Non-manual negative expressions in HKSL --- p.63 / Chapter 3.2 --- Constituent negation in HKSL --- p.67 / Chapter 3.3 --- Sentential negation in HKSL --- p.75 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Negative Modals --- p.76 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Negative Temporals --- p.80 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- Simple negatives: NOT and NOT-HAVE --- p.82 / Chapter 3.3.4 --- Negative locative-existential: NOT´ؤEXIST --- p.85 / Chapter 3.4 --- Syntactic position of the sentential negators --- p.87 / Chapter 3.5 --- Chapter summary --- p.90 / Chapter Chapter 4. --- NOT and NOT一HAVE in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.91 / Chapter 4.0 --- Introduction --- p.91 / Chapter 4.1 --- Sentential negation in HKSL --- p.91 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- Sentential negator NOT --- p.92 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- Sentential negator NOT´ؤHAVE --- p.94 / Chapter 4.2 --- Semantic Distinction of NOT and NOT´ؤHAVE --- p.95 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Eventualities versus propositions --- p.96 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Event variables --- p.98 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Negative existential quantifier NOT HAVE --- p.99 / Chapter 4.3 --- Interaction with other semantic categories --- p.104 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- NOT and NOT´ؤHAVE: Scope ambiguity with quantifier ALL --- p.105 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- NOT and NOT_HAVE with aspect in HKSL --- p.111 / Chapter 4.3.3 --- NOT versus NOT´ؤHAVE: identification and existence --- p.118 / Chapter 4.4 --- Chapter Summary --- p.124 / Chapter Chapter 5. --- Conclusion --- p.126 / Appendix 1 List of Examples / Bibliography

就最簡方案(Minimalist Program)而言，本研究從語法及語義上對動詞連用結構(Serial Verb Constructions)在香港手語 (Hong Kong Sign Language)進行了分析考察，並從動詞連用的種類，其語義範圍及句法成份進行了分析歸類。根據動詞短語在結構中的現象及限制，本文概括並歸納出八種結構方式：行動方向連動結構 (Motion-directional SVCs)、取－連動結構〔工具〕(Take-SVCs (Instrument))、取－連動結構 [受事者] (Take-SVCs (Theme))、給予－連動結構 (Give-SVCs)、及物連動結構 (Transitive Class-SVCs)、 結果連動結構〔受事者〕(Resultative-SVCs (Theme))、結果連動結構〔施事者〕(Resultative-SVCs (Agent))；及方式連動結構 (Manner-SVCs)。 / 研究結果顯示，與口語中動詞連用結構一樣，論元共享(argument sharing)是香港手語中動詞連用結構的其中一個重要特徵。香港手話中動詞連用結構可分為三類：a.) 施事論元共享(agent argument sharing); b.) 受事論元共享(theme argument sharing)及 c.) 施事論元及受事論元共享(agent and theme argument sharing) 。 / 就香港手語中連動詞的句法分析，通過副詞位置(the placement of VP adverb)及動詞的必要性(Obligatoriness of VP)，兩者印證這八類動詞連用結構為補足關係(complementation)。此外，本研究假設香港手語連動詞結構的論元句法依存(Syntactic Dependencies)可通過兩種方法建立。一．) 空語類(an empty category)；二．）顯性代名語(overt pronominal)。就前者而言，跟隨 Hornstein (1999, 2001) 提倡論旨角色屬性核對(-role feature checking)的方案，某些動詞連用結構中的共享施事論元和受事論元是透過論元移位(A-movement) 所洐生出來的名詞片語語跡(NP-trace)；另外，及物連動結構 (Transitive Class-SVCs)中的共享受事論元表現為自由空語類(free empty category)，其意思可在語用(pragmatic)層面上由先行語(antecedent)或基礎洐生的話題(topic)准許(licenced)。就後者而言，當動詞連用結構中的兩個動詞是由量詞謂語(classifier predicate)組成，共享施事論元或／和受事論元則通過量詞(classifier)作為顯性代名語表現出來。 / 本研究對香港手語中論元分享的句法依存可透過兩種方法表達的說法，對現時手語中動詞連用結構的研究帶來重大的意義。它不但與口語研究的分析相似，即手語中的動詞連用結構的結構論元分享也可透過空語類這類明確的組配語言原則來解釋。此外，它對語言中動詞連用結構中論元分享的現象亦提出了的新觀點，即手語中這類結構的論元分享可透過顯性代名詞表現出來。 / This research explores Serial Verb Constructions (henceforth SVCs) in Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL) with respect to their syntactic and semantic aspects within the Minimalist Program (the MP). Specifically, it aims to study SVCs in HKSL with regard to characteristics such as types of serial verbs, range of semantic notions that can be expressed by these verbs, and the syntactic representation of each type of serial verbs. Based upon the restriction of the limited set of verbs that can occur in the series, eight types of SVCs are classified in HKSL, namely Motion-directional SVCs, Take-SVCs (Instrument), Take-SVCs (Theme), Give-SVCs, Transitive-SVCs, Resultative-SVCs (Theme), Resultative-SVCs (Agent) and Manner-SVCs. / The data from HKSL shows the property of obligatory argument sharing in these types of SVCs, which conforms to the robust cross-linguistic observation about SVCs. These constructions can either be a.) the agent argument sharing; b.) the theme argument sharing; or c.) both. / With respect to the syntactic behavior among SVCs in HKSL, the placement of VP adverb and obligatoriness of VP tests show that the eight types of SVCs have a homogeneous structure, i.e. a complementation structure. In addition, this research concludes that the syntactic dependencies of arguments in SVCs in HKSL can be realized in two major ways: 1.) an empty category; 2.) an overt pronominal. In terms of the former, the empty category can be realized as either an NP trace, or a free empty category. Specifically, the shared agent argument and the shared theme argument in some types of SVCs can be realized by an NP trace via A-movement triggered by -role feature checking suggested by Hornstein (1999, 2001), and the shared theme argument can be realized as a free empty category which is base-generated in Transitive class-SVCs, and its interpretation is pragmatically licensed by the antecedent or base-generated topic. In terms of the latter, in the types of SVCs that the two verbs are expressed as classifier predicates, the shared agent or/and theme argument can be observed through the use of the classifier which is realized as an overt pronominal in the syntactic structure, and is licensed by its antecedent in the discourse/pragmatic context. / The claim that HKSL has two ways to show the syntactic dependency of the shared argument(s) is significant to the current study of SVCs in the literature. It not only shows an agreement with the general analysis in spoken language literature, where the linguistic evidence of the shared argument(s) in SVCs in sign languages can also be conceptualized through the stipulation of explicitly constructed linguistic principles, i.e. by means of an empty category, it also contributes to the linguistic evidence for the concept of shared argument(s) of SVCs across languages, by showing that the syntactic dependency of the shared argument in certain types of SVCs in sign languages can be explicitly realized as an overt pronominal in the form of a classifier. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Lau, Sin Yee Prudence. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 463-473). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.p. i / 論文摘要 --- p.p. ii / Acknowledgements --- p.p. iii / Table of Content --- p.p. iv / Notation Conventions on Sign Language Data --- p.p. viii / List of Abbreviations --- p.p. x / List of Tables --- p.p. xii / List of Figures --- p.p. xiii / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Do Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs) Exist in Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL)? --- p.p. 1 / Chapter 1.2 --- SVCs in Sign Languages: Some Initial Observation --- p.p. 3 / Chapter 1.3 --- Motivations of Investigating SVCs in HKSL --- p.p. 7 / Chapter 1.3.1 --- Research Questions --- p.p. 9 / Chapter 1.4 --- Theoretical Background: The Minimalist Program --- p.p. 10 / Chapter 1.4.1 --- The Basic Tenets --- p.p. 11 / Chapter 1.4.2 --- Bare Phrase Structure --- p.p. 12 / Chapter 1.4.3 --- Phase Theory and Cyclic Derivation --- p.p. 18 / Chapter 1.5 --- Research Methodology --- p.p. 23 / Chapter 1.5.1 --- Data Collection --- p.p. 23 / Chapter 1.6 --- Thesis Outline & Summary of Research Findings --- p.p. 24 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Serial Verb Constructions in Spoken Languages --- p.p. 27 / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 27 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Origin of SVCs in Spoken Languages --- p.p. 27 / Chapter 2.3 --- Typology of SVCs in Spoken Languages --- p.p. 29 / Chapter 2.4 --- SVCs: The Phenomenon --- p.p. 37 / Chapter 2.4.1 --- Formal Properties of SVCs --- p.p. 37 / Chapter 2.4.1.1 --- Single Predicates --- p.p. 40 / Chapter 2.4.1.2 --- Single Event --- p.p. 41 / Chapter 2.4.1.3 --- Monoclausality --- p.p. 42 / Chapter 2.4.1.4 --- Shared ATM, Modality and Polarity Values --- p.p. 43 / Chapter 2.4.1.5 --- Shared Arguments --- p.p. 45 / Chapter 2.4.1.6 --- Prosodic Properties --- p.p. 47 / Chapter 2.4.2 --- SVCs: Macro Event Property --- p.p. 48 / Chapter 2.5 --- Tests for SVCs in Spoken Languages --- p.p. 51 / Chapter 2.5.1 --- Extraction --- p.p. 52 / Chapter 2.5.2 --- Predicate Cleft Construction --- p.p. 54 / Chapter 2.5.3 --- Referential Pronoun --- p.p. 55 / Chapter 2.5.4 --- The Placement of Adverb and Negation --- p.p. 56 / Chapter 2.6 --- Implications on Research of SVCs in HKSL --- p.p. 59 / Chapter 2.7 --- Chapter Summary --- p.p. 62 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Syntactic Analyses of Serial Verb Constructions in Spoken Languages --- p.p. 64 / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 64 / Chapter 3.2 --- Formal Analyses of SVCs in Natural Languages --- p.p. 77 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Resultative-SVCs (Theme) --- p.p. 78 / Chapter 3.2.1.1 --- Symmetric Sharing Analysis --- p.p. 79 / Chapter 3.2.2.1.1 --- Baker (1989, 1991) --- p.p. 79 / Chapter 3.2.1.1.2 --- Baker & Stewart (2002) --- p.p. 82 / Chapter 3.2.1.1.3 --- Lidz & Williams (2002) --- p.p. 86 / Chapter 3.2.1.2 --- Empty Category Analysis --- p.p. 89 / Chapter 3.2.1.2.1 --- Collins (1997, 2002) --- p.p. 89 / Chapter 3.2.1.2.2 --- Nishiyama (1998) --- p.p. 94 / Chapter 3.2.1.2.3 --- Carstens (2002) --- p.p. 98 / Chapter 3.2.1.2.4 --- Veenstra (1993, 1996) --- p.p. 99 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Transitive Class-SVCs --- p.p. 103 / Chapter 3.2.2.1 --- Empty Category Analysis --- p.p. 104 / Chapter 3.2.2.1.1 --- Baker & Stewart (2002) --- p.p. 104 / Chapter 3.2.2.1.2 --- Bukhari (2009) --- p.p. 107 / Chapter 3.2.2.2 --- Symmetric Sharing Analysis --- p.p. 112 / Chapter 3.2.2.2.1 --- Choi (2003) --- p.p. 112 / Chapter 3.2.2.2.2 --- Hiraiwa & Bodomo (2008) --- p.p. 116 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Take-SVCs (Instrument) --- p.p. 118 / Chapter 3.2.3.1 --- Empty Category Analysis --- p.p. 119 / Chapter 3.2.3.1.1 --- Corne et al. (1996) --- p.p. 120 / Chapter 3.2.3.1.2 --- Law (1996) --- p.p. 122 / Chapter 3.2.3.1.3 --- Collins (1997, 2002) --- p.p. 124 / Chapter 3.2.3.1.4 --- Carstens (2002) --- p.p. 125 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- Take-SVCs (Theme) --- p.p. 127 / Chapter 3.2.4.1 --- Empty Category Analysis --- p.p. 128 / Chapter 3.2.4.1.1 --- Law & Veenstra (1992) and Veenstra (1993, 1996) --- p.p. 128 / Chapter 3.2.4.1.2 --- Muysken & Veenstra (1995) --- p.p. 130 / Chapter 3.2.5 --- Displacement Verb-SVcs with VP2 as Directional Verb --- p.p. 132 / Chapter 3.2.5.1 --- Empty Category Analysis --- p.p. 133 / Chapter 3.2.5.1.1 --- Law (1996) --- p.p. 133 / Chapter 3.2.6 --- Motion-directional SVCs --- p.p. 135 / Chapter 3.2.6.1 --- Symmetrical Sharing Analysis --- p.p. 136 / Chapter 3.2.6.1.1 --- Benedicto, Cvejanov & Quer (2008) --- p.p. 136 / Chapter 3.3 --- Interim Discussion --- p.p. 138 / Chapter 3.4 --- Chapter Summary --- p.p. 140 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.p. 142 / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 142 / Chapter 4.2 --- Motion-directional SVCs --- p.p. 144 / Chapter 4.3 --- Take-SVCs --- p.p. 158 / Chapter 4.4 --- Give-SVCs --- p.p. 174 / Chapter 4.5 --- Transitive Class-SVCs --- p.p. 186 / Chapter 4.6 --- Resultative-SVCs --- p.p. 195 / Chapter 4.7 --- Manner-SVCs --- p.p. 207 / Chapter 4.8 --- Interim Discussion and Chapter Summary --- p.p. 215 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Syntactic Diagnostics of Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.p. 218 / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 218 / Chapter 5.2 --- Other Possible Tests for SVCs in HKSL --- p.p. 219 / Chapter 5.3 --- Coordination in HKSL --- p.p. 221 / Chapter 5.4 --- Subordination in HKSL --- p.p. 224 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- Sentential Complements --- p.p. 224 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- Relative Clauses --- p.p. 225 / Chapter 5.5 --- SVCs vs Coordination and Subordination in HKSL --- p.p. 226 / Chapter 5.5.1 --- The Distribution of Q-Morpheme --- p.p. 227 / Chapter 5.5.2 --- The Distribution of VP Adverbs --- p.p. 230 / Chapter 5.5.3 --- A'-Extraction --- p.p. 243 / Chapter 5.5.3.1 --- A'-Extraction via Topicalization --- p.p. 243 / Chapter 5.5.3.2 --- A'-Extraction via Wh-Word --- p.p. 250 / Chapter 5.5.4 --- Referential Pronoun --- p.p. 257 / Chapter 5.5.5 --- The Distribution of Negation Morpheme --- p.p. 263 / Chapter 5.5.6 --- The Distribution of Temporal Adverbs --- p.p. 273 / Chapter 5.5.7 --- Special tests for Serial Verb Constructions in HKSL --- p.p. 277 / Chapter 5.5.7.1 --- FINISH Test --- p.p. 278 / Chapter 5.5.7.2 --- Non-manual Features --- p.p. 282 / Chapter 5.6 --- Chapter Summary --- p.p. 287 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Verb Headedness of Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.p. 288 / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 288 / Chapter 6.2 --- Headedness of Serial Verb Constructions in HKSL --- p.p. 288 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- Extraction via Topicalization --- p.p. 295 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- The Distribution of VP Adverbs --- p.p. 299 / Chapter 6.2.3 --- Obligatorinesss of VPs --- p.p. 306 / Chapter 6.3 --- Interim Discussion and Chapter Summary --- p.p. 309 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Syntactic Dependencies of Arguments in Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.p. 314 / Chapter 7.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 314 / Chapter 7.1.1 --- Lam's (2009) Phrase Structure in HKSL --- p.p. 318 / Chapter 7.2 --- The Categorical Status of Classifiers in HKSL --- p.p. 319 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- Classifiers as Agreement Affixes --- p.p. 319 / Chapter 7.2.1.1 --- Glűck & Pfau (1998) --- p.p. 320 / Chapter 7.2.1.2 --- Zwitserlood (2003, 2008) --- p.p. 321 / Chapter 7.3.1.3 --- Interim Discussion --- p.p. 325 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- Classifiers as Overt Pronominals --- p.p. 327 / Chapter 7.3 --- Syntactic Dependencies involving Classifiers in SVCs in HKSL --- p.p. 329 / Chapter 7.3.1 --- Overt Pronominals as Shared Arguments --- p.p. 330 / Chapter 7.4 --- Syntactic Projection of Classifiers in HKSL --- p.p. 333 / Chapter 7.4.1 --- Previous Studies of Classifiers as Agreement Affixes in the Syntactic Structure --- p.p. 333 / Chapter 7.4.1.1 --- Lau (2002) --- p.p. 334 / Chapter 7.4.1.2 --- Benedicto & Brentari (2004) --- p.p. 336 / Chapter 7.4.1.3 --- Lam (2009) --- p.p. 339 / Chapter 7.4.1.4 --- Interim Discussion --- p.p. 341 / Chapter 7.4.2 --- Classifiers as Agreement Affixes in the Syntactic Structure VCLP --- p.p. 348 / Chapter 7.4.3 --- Classifiers as Overt Pronominals in the Syntactic Structure --- p.p. 354 / Chapter 7.5 --- Syntactic Dependencies involving Null Arguments in SVCs in HKSL --- p.p. 356 / Chapter 7.5.1 --- The Categorical Status of Empty Categories --- p.p. 357 / Chapter 7.5.2 --- Free Empty Category as Shared Argument --- p.p. 360 / Chapter 7.5.3 --- NP Traces as Shared Argument --- p.p. 367 / Chapter 7.6 --- Chapter Summary --- p.p. 378 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Syntactic Derivations of Serial Verb Constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language --- p.p. 380 / Chapter 8.1 --- Introduction --- p.p. 380 / Chapter 8.2 --- Syntactic Derivations of SVCs involving a Complementation Structure --- p.p. 380 / Chapter 8.2.1 --- Motion-directional SVCs --- p.p. 381 / Chapter 8.2.2 --- Manner-SVCs --- p.p. 386 / Chapter 8.2.3 --- Give-SVCs --- p.p. 393 / Chapter 8.2.4 --- Take-SVCs (Instrument) --- p.p. 396 / Chapter 8.2.5 --- Take-SVCs (Theme) --- p.p. 402 / Chapter 8.2.6 --- Transitive Class-SVCs --- p.p. 408 / Chapter 8.2.7 --- Resultative-SVCs (Agent) --- p.p. 413 / Chapter 8.2.8 --- Resultative-SVCs (Theme) --- p.p. 419 / Chapter 8.3 --- Chapter Summary --- p.p. 423 / Chapter Chapter 9 --- Conclusion --- p.p. 425 / Chapter Appendices --- p.p. 429 / Chapter Appendix 1 --- Background of Sign Languages --- p.p. 429 / Chapter Appendix 2 --- Lam's (2009) Phrase Structure in HKSL --- p.p. 445 / Chapter Appendix 3 --- Results of Syntactic Tests in SVCs and Multi-verb Constructions in HKSL --- p.p. 453 / Chapter Appendix 4 --- Sample Files of ELan --- p.p. 456 / Chapter Appendix 5 --- List of Movie Clips --- p.p. 458 / Chapter Appendix 6 --- Samples of Elicitation Tasks --- p.p. 460 / References --- p.p. 463

No description available.

This work is a philosophical investigation of signs. It offers a definition of the term ?sign? and develops three different systems for talking precisely about signs and their properties. The system of object display lines is developed in the first chapter; the ostension notation and the box notation are developed in the second chapter; and the contemporary associationist definition of a sign is developed in the third chapter. These systems, in conjunction with the definition, are proffered as a philosophical foundation for the theory of notation. The first chapter of this work develops the distinction between i) mere objects (non-signs), ii) signs of mere objects, and iii) signs of signs. The exhibitive use of objects is distinguished from their constitutive use; and the de re use of signs is distinguished from their de signo use. Both the discursive homogeneity thesis and the sentential homogeneity thesis are formulated. Arguments against the former are considered, and the thesis is rejected. The latter thesis, however, is accepted as a means of stopping the infinite regress that would occur if the meaning of a sign always had to be explained through the use of other signs. Object display lines are developed as a systematic and rule governed method of introducing mere objects into a discourse. The second chapter deals with the problem of using signs to talk about signs; and offers both an historical analysis of the development of quotation marks as a form of punctuation, and an historical analysis of the philosophical debate over quotation marks. Frege?s convention of using quotation marks to mention signs is rejected, and the ostension notation and the box notation are developed as replacements. The third chapter deals with the nature of signs. The ontological status of signs is considered, and the thesis that signs are relations is rejected. This is followed by a brief historical survey of the associationist and behaviorist conceptions of a sign. Finally, a contemporary associationist conception of a sign is developed, and the basic structure of the human sign is postulated. A number of refinements are made to the definition to avoid pansemiosis.

No description available.

<p>This thesis presents an approach for automatically generating signing animations from a sign language notation. An avatar endowed with expressive gestures, as subtle as changes in facial expression, is used to render the sign language animations. SWML, an XML format of SignWriting is provided as input. It transcribes sign language gestures in a format compatible to virtual signing. Relevant features of sign language gestures are extracted from the SWML. These features are then converted to body animation pa- rameters, which are used to animate the avatar. Using key-frame animation techniques, intermediate key-frames approximate the expected sign language gestures. The avatar then renders the corresponding sign language gestures. These gestures are realistic and aesthetically acceptable and can be recognized and understood by Deaf people.</p>