The purpose of this essay is to investigate how Carl Linnaeus’ (1707-1778) expedition to Sápmi (‘Lapland’) 1732 was depicted in the centennial, bicentennial and tricentennial commemoration of his birth in 1807, 1907 and 2007 and the centennial and bicentennial remembrance to his death in 1878 and 1978. It will, furthermore, examine if the celebrations of his expedition were also used to legitimize the Swedish colonialization of Sápmi. The source material are speeches given at the commemorations and articles published in conjunction with the remembrance of Linnaeus. The essay concludes that the commemorations of the 19th century were characterized by an inclination to portray the dangers of his expedition. This focus point, however, gradually shifted towards praising the scientific aspects and accolades of the expedition during the 20th and the 21st centuries. The appreciation of Linnaeus character in association with the journey remained a constant during all commemorations, with some exceptions. The conclusion regarding the legitimizing aspect, is that the majority of the 19th and early 20th century commemorations partially, at least legitimized the fiscal approach that the expedition had. However, the celebrations in 1978 and 2007 lacked this aspect.

This paper is an historical investigation of three political ideas presented in the newspaperFäderneslandet (”The Fatherland”) during the year of 1866. The ideas are the writers viewof the working class, the treatment of the abolishment of the estate-based parliament andthe election of the new bi-cameral parliament and their view of the ideology ofscandinavianism.

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In this essay the Scandinavianistic narrative is examined in Oscar Patrick Sturzen-Becker's depictions of the Schleswig-Holstein war of 1848 in his newspaper Allmänna Öresunds-Posten. Through both poetry and prosaic agitation, he sought during the first months of the war to gather an opinion for a Swedish intervention for the cause of Denmark against the Prussian-supported uprising in the southern duchies and at the same time work for a consensus on a larger pan-national demarcation with Germany and Europe. He had a dream of a united Scandinavia that was shared by the student movement of the 1840s and contemporary liberal political groups, a dream of a resurrected great power from the past and at the same time a modernized liberal democracy.  What the essay intends to analyze is what the Scandinavianistic narrative looked like and in what way it changed with the development of the war. The old hereditary enemy Russia came to be increasingly overshadowed by the new German threat and even though Swedish troops did enter Danish soil for the sake of their Scandinavian brothers, they never joined the battlefield in Schleswig. The military intervention soon turned into a diplomatic pursuit of a temporart ceasefire and peace, so how did Sturzen-Becker's narrative create meaning in these twists and turns and was this period, after all, to be regarded as a part victory for his Scandinavian dreams? / I denna uppsats utforskas det skandinavistiska narrativet i Oscar Patrick Sturzen-Beckers skildringar av det Schleswig-Holsteinska kriget 1848, i dennes tidning Allmänna Öresunds-Posten. Genom både poesi och prosaisk agitation sökte han under krigets första månader samla en opinion för ett svenskt ingripande för Danmarks sak mot det preussiskt understödda upproret i de södra hertigdömena och samtidigt verka för en samsyn om en större pan-nationell gränsdragning mot Tyskland och Europa. Han hade en dröm om ett enat Skandinavien som delades av 1840-talets studentrörelse och av samtida liberala politiska grupper, en dröm om en återuppstånden stormakt från det förflutna och samtidigt en moderniserad liberal demokrati. Det uppsatsen avser att analysera är hur det skandinavistiska narrativet såg ut och på vilket sätt det förändrades med krigets utveckling. Den gmla arvfienden Ryssland kom att hamna alltmer i skuggan av det nya tyska hotet och även om svenska trupper faktiskt kom att beträda dansk mark för sina skandinaviska bröders skull, kom de aldrig att ansluta på slagfältet i Schleswig. Det militära ingripandet övergick snart till en diplomatisk strävan efter en tillfällig vapenvila och fred, så hur skapade Sturzen-Beckers narrativ mening i dessa vändningar och var denna period trots allt att betrakta som en delseger för hans skandinavistiska drömmar?