O presente estudo tem como objeto o Programa Bolsa Família, buscando captar, junto aos usuários, as suas impressões acerca deste, que é o carro-chefe dos programas sociais do atual governo federal. Com base nos pressupostos de que o Bolsa Família tem forte apelo popular; é legitimado em larga escala por diferentes segmentos sociais e tem centralidade no campo da Assistência Social, a hipótese é de que os usuários, enquanto beneficiários diretos do Programa tendem à sua defesa, apesar de dificuldades e problemas que possam apontar. Muitos estudos têm debatido o Bolsa Família, mas ressentem-se de uma abordagem que coloque em cena os usuários. Para a realização deste estudo, que tem como referência o materialismo histórico-dialético, foram investigados diversos autores acerca do tema Política Social e diversos documentos de fontes primárias, como jornais, legislação e material institucional, bem como, pesquisa junto aos usuários do Bolsa Família que utilizam o Centro de Referência da Assistência Social (CREAS) Arlindo Rodrigues, na Tijuca, Rio de Janeiro, como local para aquisição e manutenção do benefício do Programa. A pesquisa, entre outros elementos, aponta para uma aceitação deste, ainda que haja alguns questionamentos e objeções por parte dos usuários. A procura ao CREAS é constante e intensa configurando o centro de referência como espaço central de atendimento ao Bolsa Família. / This study has as object the Bolsa Família Program, seeking to capture users views of this, which is the main program of the current federal government. Based on the assumptions that Bolsa Família has strong popular appeal; is legitimated in large scale by different social segments and reaches a focus in Social Welfare field, the hypothesis is that the users, as direct beneficiaries of the program tend to its defense, despite difficulties and problems that they might point to. Many studies have been debating Bolsa Familia, but suffer from an approach that put users in scene. For this study, which has as reference the historical and dialectical materialism, it was investigated several authors on the subject Social Policy and various documents from primary sources such as newspapers, legislation and institutional material, as well, it was done survey with the users of the program that goes to the Reference Center for Social Welfare (CREAS) Arlindo Rodrigues, in Tijuca, Rio de Janeiro, for acquiring and retaining the benefit of the program. The research, among other things, points to an acceptance of this, although its users make some questions and objections about the Program. The search for CREAS is constant and intense making the reference center a setting to Bolsa Família services.

The RDP is a plan to address the many social and economic problems facing our country — problems such as...violence, lack of housing, lack of jobs, inadequate education and health care, lack of democracy, a failing economy. The RDP recognises that all of these problems are connected. For example, we cannot successfully build the economy while millions do not have homes or jobs. And we cannot provide homes and jobs without rebuilding the economy. We need policies and strategies to address all of the problems together. The RDP aims to do this. The RDP is a programme to mobilise all our people and all our resources to finally get rid of apartheid and build a democratic, non racial and non sexist future. The RDP was drawn up by the ANC-led alliance in consultation with other key mass organisations and assisted by a wide range of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and research organisations. This inclusive approach to developing and implementing policy — involving as many organisations as possible — is unique in South Africa’s political history. The ANC — because it is a liberation movement and based on the traditions of the Freedom Charter — is the only political organisation which can bring together such a wide range of social movements, community-based organisations and numerous other sectors and formations. This widespread and broad-based support throughout South Africa will allow the ANC within a Government of National Unity successfully to implement the RDP.

This research looks into the ways society, the media, and the criminal justice system influence the sexual values of individuals in the United States. These separate, yet interdependent, institutions have profound impacts on the attitudes individuals have towards sexual violence. The research explores the ways we are consciously and subconsciously consumers of messages that influence how we view a myriad of issues related to sexual expression. Additionally, this research highlights how various factors contribute to the rape culture prevalent in contemporary American society. Specifically, the research explores theories rooted in the psychopathology model and argues that while some perpetrators of sexual violence are mentally ill, this model and the treatment model which are often applied by society may inadvertently provide perpetrators of sexual violence a scapegoat. Additionally, the nature of the biological theory, often referred to as the “impulse” model, is another way American society permits perpetrators of sexual violence to blame their behavior on evolution and genetic predispositions (Levay & Baldwin, 2012). Also discussed is the advancements in technology and the media’s methods of portraying sexual violence in the news and how it profoundly impacts the sexual values of Americans (Waechter & Ma, 2015). In summation, this review of the literature, will investigate how the values of sexual violence also impacts the criminal justice system, the results of sexual violence trials, and how victims are treated in the system (Moylan, 2017). The impact of sexual violence does not just affect the survivors themselves. However, there are few studies on the impact of sexual violence on secondary victims, such as family members. The majority of the literature focuses on how to help the survivor through abuse, without attention to how family members work through their own trauma. There is literature that states, following the sexual assault of a family or loved one, family and friends often experience considerable emotional distress and physical and psychological symptoms that can disrupt their lifestyles and family structures (Cwik, 1996). Responses of family members to the assault, including shock, helplessness, rage and so on, which can "parallel the affective responses of the victim" in the acute post-traumatic period (Silverman, 1978, p. 169). Undoubtedly, the impact of sexual violence is significant for the entire family, and the experience of each survivor will vary.

Since the mid-1990, promoting responsible fatherhood has remained on the national policy agenda, but fatherhood-related policy initiatives have yet to generate tangible outcomes for low-income communities. Almost 1 billion dollars have been allocated to address the combined efforts of marriage and fatherhood education, but the results have been minimal. Recent literature reveals a deep seeded legislative misunderstanding about the reasons behind low marriage rates among low-income couples. Contrary to popular cultural narratives that imply a blatant disregard for marriage, there is evidence that low-income couples respect the institution of marriage. Socio-economic barriers, however, inhibit that union from taking place. Despite this plausible explanation, policy-driven initiatives often employ program curriculums that seek to modify the behaviors of fathers by instilling in them the value of hard work as opposed to addressing the socio-economic circumstances they face. This partly stems from the broader cultural narrative and a related public perception that Black fathers are lazy and unwilling to work. Responsible fatherhood grantees have the potential to begin deconstructing negative perceptions of Black fathers by uncovering new information in these federally funded programs. Using qualitative interviews, this study utilizes a three-article style format to examine the presence of the dominant cultural narratives regarding Black fatherhood in Responsible Fatherhood policies and organizational narratives of the agencies tasked with policy implementation.

Thesis ( M.Dev.) --University of Limpopo, 2002. / The Department of Health And Welfare

In the 1990s, Brazil and Mexico were pioneers in the implementation of conditional cash transfer programs (CCTs), which since have benefitted an estimated one billion poor families around the world. However, the initial evaluation strategies pursued by each state were different: Mexican officials partnered with US economists to implement an RCT evaluation, while Brazilians used a combination of statistical simulations and qualitative studies and aimed to secure the generation of policy knowledge to domestic experts. Based on eighteen months of participant observation in Mexico City and Brasília, 100 interviews with political and academic elites, content analysis of 400 policy documents, and historical-process tracing methods, this dissertation explains why these two similar countries, implementing the same policy, took different routes to assess the merits of CCTs, and what unintended consequences followed from these choices. I demonstrate that a key factor to achieve the legitimacy and political viability of CCTs is the knowledge regimes that states create to implement and evaluate these programs. The dissertation shows that while knowledge regimes tend to be understood as technical or apolitical machineries, they are inherently shaped by the politics of legitimation of CCTs and they produce unanticipated consequences for the ways that states combat poverty in the long-run. Only by taking into consideration the role that knowledge production plays in securing the political viability of CCTs, I argue, we can assess the politics and consequences of these programs, and how they relate to poor families on the ground.

This dissertation explores the impact of HOPE VI (Housing Opportunities for People Everywhere), a Housing and Urban Development (HUD) program, on Tampa's Greenwood neighborhood. The program represents a policy shift away from traditional public housing toward a "mixed income" model that has effectively privatized public housing. Through a HOPE VI program implemented in Tampa in 2000, two public housing complexes were demolished and redeveloped in this way. While some former residents of public housing relocated to other public housing complexes, many moved to apartments and houses in the private rental market with Section 8 subsidized housing vouchers-many to Tampa's Greenwood neighborhood. In the dissertation, I examine how these policy changes affect both those relocated to the neighborhood and those already living in the neighborhood. The dissertation also examines the social dynamics of Greenwood in order to understand an actual mixed income neighborhood. In addition, the dissertation is concerned with the intersection of HOPE VI with other neoliberal trends in Greenwood-such as models for social order and particular discourses.

A multidimensional poverty index for the United States is designed, evaluated, and defended as a useful measurement tool for policymakers to evaluate poverty. Chapter 1 presents a normative case for the index. Chapter 2 reviews the literature on poverty measures. Chapter 3 constructs the proposed index. Chapter 4 is a statistical examination of the internal structure of the index. Chapter 5 explores the index across states, over time, and among population subgroups, as well as presenting policy applications.

Denna uppsats är en systematisk litteraturstudie, vilken behandlar ämnet barnarbete utifrån ett globalt perspektiv. Hur ser barnarbetet ut i dess mest omfattande platser – i Afrika, Asien och Latinamerika? Hur ser det sociala arbetet ut där? Samt hur kan vi förstå sambandet mellan barnarbete och brister inom socialt arbete som en orsak till problemets kvarlevande? Studien syftar till att sammanställa det aktuella kunskapsläget om arbetande barn i de områden som ratificerat barnkonventionen, men där barnarbete trots det anses vara som mest skadligt och därav talas det ofta om den värsta typen av barnarbete i denna studie. Studien visar även en problematik gällande dessa områdens utveckling av socialpolitik samt det sociala arbetet och resultatet analyseras utifrån den marxistiska samhällsteorin. Resultatet och analysen visar att barnarbetet många gånger skiljer sig åt från land till land och från område till område, men också vilka likheter som råder oberoende plats. Exempelvis belys barnarbetarnas hälsotillstånd som någonting likartat världen över och därmed barnarbetets konsekvenser. Även om barnarbete är ett komplext problem där ett flertal olika faktorer spelar roll och bör förstås utifrån sin kontext visar slutligen analysen, med hjälp av den marxistiska samhällsteorin, att vi kan förstå de aktuella områdenas brist av socialt arbete, socialpolitik och sociala insatser som en del i varför barnarbete fortfarande finns kvar.

Effective June 9, 2016, many terminally ill patients residing in the State of California will now have the legal option of terminating their life because of protections offered under The California End of Life Options Act. Social workers whose population of care includes terminally ill patients will likely be engaging in conversations about end of life options, including physician assisted death, with their patients. Little research exists addressing what factors may influence social workers perceived preparedness to discuss physician assisted death with patients, yet the expectation that social workers be prepared to discuss all available end of life options with patients is present. The purpose of this quantitative study is to explore the influence of demographic characteristics and experience with terminal illness on California social workers perceived preparedness to discuss physician assisted death as an end of life option with terminally ill patients. Convenience sampling was utilized which included sixty-two Master of Social Work level or higher social workers who are employed in medical social work positions and are providing direct care for chronically and terminally ill patients. Participants completed a voluntary paper survey that gathered demographic information, experience with terminal illness and perceived preparedness to discuss physician assisted death with patients through Likert Scale measures. The findings showed a positive relationship between California social workers who perceived themselves as prepared to discuss physician assisted death and the identification of their social work education as a source of their preparedness.