This study of the rhetoric in the Sierra Club's Grand Canyon Campaign, 1963 to 1967 seeks to determine the decisive strategies in the success of the campaign. Criteria for examining the rhetoric are adapted from the fields of rhetoric and sociology. This analysis examines preconditions of this conservation campaign, its leaders, membership, strategies, and audience-speaker relationships, The campaign's turning point came when the club used public audiences to pressure Control into capitulating to Agitation's demands, Other factors in the campaign's success were the Sierra Club's purity of belief, suppression action by Control, and incomplete purity of belief in the leader of Control.

A society without any conflicts or disputes is not equal to a harmonious society, but should establish a rational and effective diversified system of conflict resolution. This research tries to study group interest conflicts, their causes, mediation processes and the ways of their resolution in urban communities (Shanghai as an example) in China. Two main research objects are: First, to analyze the characteristics and differences of conflict resolution styles in various modes of state-society relationship in different societies; and to analyze the characteristics and differences of group conflicts that are related with governmental interests in the present transforming China. Second, to investigate the way civil mediation organizations use to reconcile and resolve group interest conflicts, especially those between residents and the government; and to study the interaction among these three parties, the different strategies of each party and the limitations of their action. Based on relevant theories and Blake and Mouton's (1964) Managerial Grid of self-report five-style conflict resolution, this study tries to explain the changing relationship between the state and social organizations through conflict mediation and resolution by "Lin Yue Mediation Workroom". It argues that the state-society relationship in contemporary China is neither state-centered nor society-centered, but a state-led social pluralism. Drawing on research, observation, detailed case of group conflict, a lot of open-ended in-depth interviews, and official documentaries in the Shanghai community, it reveals that group conflict and its resolution are influenced by the government in the contemporary Chinese city. State power infiltrated the process of conflict mediation and resolution. In the transforming China, as the state now is facing heavy social conflicts and has limited ability to resolve all of them, it gives power to social organizations and let them working independently on managing conflicts, but still with quite strong control and restrictions on those organizations, no matter in financial or policy aspect. Meanwhile, social organizations are also seeking ways to maximize their own interest and to create more developing chances during the interaction with the state. The new mode of civil mediation workroom (run as GONGO), acting as a bridge and conflict buffer zone between the government and society, though still quite dependent on the government, has led the state to make adjustment of its relationship with the society by conflict resolution. / In nowadays' rapidly developing China, the transformative interaction between the state and plural social organizations could improve the way and outcome of conflict resolution, making harmonious community possible! IV / In the contemporary transforming era of China, how conflict resolution affects the way a state is governed? / 胡潔人. / Adviser: Chan Kim Man. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 72-10, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p.189-210). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Hu Jieren.

From the families of dockside London to the cautious cabinets of the Edwardian 'new liberals,' the search was on, after 1889, for a class of men Charles Booth characterized as so low in moral character as to require elimination from society-at-large. Responding as best they could, the poorest third of England's workers attempted desperately, yet usually failed, to avoid the stigma of the 'loafer' as they weathered economic downturn, increased policing, the fallout of deskilling, and the hatred and hysteria of a society, particularly in the wake of the Boer War, that refused them the status even of 'men'. In laws and literature, England's reforming and governing classes found their answers in Idealism, a philosophical movement taking progressive, moderate and labour leaders under its fold, and encouraging an understanding of poverty, and responses to it, on the basis of character alone. Piecemeal programmes and partial remedies for a host of principally urban, predominantly working-class social problems were the result, and they point---in a period of ostensibly 'progressive' housing and unemployment reform---to a disturbing, quasi-authoritarian policy demanding nothing less than social apartheid.

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Opposition to Paul as central to the occasion of the letter to the Galatians ·(expressed in scholarly circles in terms of different opponent hypotheses) is identified as a pivotal factor in the interpretation of that letter. An analysis of some of the received opponent hypotheses reveals that today, as throughout the history of the critical interpretation of the letter, they are basically different proposals sharing the same historical and methodological components. Both components are critically examined and it is suggested that inadequate assumptions lead to an anachronistic and ethnocentric view of the nature of the conflict and consequently, from a his­ torical point of view, a distorted cypher key to the interpretation of the letter. The proposal of a social-scientific approach to the letter presents, at the meth­ odological level, the components of an alternative cypher key. It attempts to be interdisciplinary in that it accounts for the otherness of foreign cultures and distant historical eras in an integrated and explicit way. Because of the methodological components an alternative set of historical com­ ponents can be suggested. A focus on contemporary views on first-century Judaism and the expansion of the Pauline communities in the first-century world not only . points to shortcomings in the received views but provides an alternative perspective on the communicative context of the letter. A first but important step is taken to construct a probable first-century Mediterranean communicative context for the interpretation of the letter. In view of this alternative communicative context it is possible to redefine the con­ flict as a truly first-century Mediterranean one in which Paul's authority and honour were at stake. This makes it possible to construe the text in a different way. Instead of regarding the letter to the Galatians as a document of intra-Christian struggle about conflicting theological or doctrinal convictions, it is suggested that the letter be construed as the product of Paul's missionary endeavour within the household setting, the subculture of first-century Judaism, and the confines of orality and reli­ gion in the first-century world. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / D. Th. (New Testament)

Dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters: Public Management, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Protests are an integral part of many social, political and economic activities in societies all over the world, and the concept of protest is an on-going subject of scholarly endeavour. The occurrence of protests in South Africa, however, highlights significant deficit in meeting the huge expectations from a formerly disadvantaged majority of the population. Furthermore, the current preponderance of protest incidents in the Eastern Cape Province, and particularly in the Mbizana Local Municipality proffered the motive for this research. The incidence of protests in the study area, in most cases, has been attributed to poor service delivery and the high expectations for improved social and economic development. While issues related to the delivery of basic services are attended to, the continued occurrence and increasing intensity of these protest incidents, has led to the argument that other factors are also at play. Using a mixed methods approach, the study employed a questionnaire survey to elicit information linked to the incidence of protests. Two hundred and eighty respondents from three selected wards in the local municipality were randomly sampled, and three municipal officials were also interviewed to explore the factors influencing protest incidents in the study area. Findings from the study point to the profusion of unresolved community complaints coupled with slow- paced provision of services, intra-party disagreements among political factions in the municipal council, and crime-related incidents; as factors responsible for protests in the local municipality. The study shows the preponderance of disagreements among political party members as a leading cause for protest incidents, unrelated to the provision of basic services. Also, the demand for justice among victims of criminal incidents was found to be another reason for the increasing number of protest events in the Mbizana Local Municipality. / M

This dissertation is an ethnography of resource control in the municipio of Cucurpe, Sonora, Mexico. The municipio itself covers 1,788 square kilometers of rugged, semi-arid terrain bisected by the San Miguel river and its tributaries. Less than one percent of the land is cultivated, the rest devoted to livestock raising, primarily cattle. Most Cucurpe households make their living as both ranchers and farmers. The control of land and water therefore becomes a vitally important political and economic issue. Twenty-one percent of the municipio is controlled by three peasant corporate communities--the comunidades of Cucurpe and San Javier, and the ejido 6 de Enero. The rest of the land belongs to private ranchers, many of whom are wealthy and reside outside the municipio. The dissertation focuses upon the history, structure and functions of the Cucurpe comunidad, the largest and most powerful of the three institutions, describing its role in past and present politics of resource control. Considerable economic inequality exists among Cucurpe households, not only among private ranchers and peasants, but among peasant households themselves. The range of economic inequality is ascertained, and conclusions about the relationships between inequality and the politics of resource control are drawn. It is argued that Cucurpe is composed of at least four different classes. These classes conflict and compete over two major issues: the control of grazing and arable land. Most households belonging to the corporate communities unite in opposition to private ranchers when their access to corporate rangeland is threatened. They battle each other over the status of arable land. Those with land consider it a private resource. Those without land content it belongs to the corporate communities themselves, a position supported by federal agrarian reform law. Such conflict seriously threatens the stability of these peasant organizations.

People perceive social conflict and conflict issues in different ways. My research is directed at understanding how leaders from some of Winnipeg’s Community-Based Organizations (CBOs; faith and ethno-cultural NGOs) perceive and experience social conflict and to explore their contributions toward peace-building and conflict transformation. Historically, Winnipeg has been home to a plethora of faith-based, ethno-cultural community organizations, and NGOs whose mission is to provide crucial basic and spiritual needs to people. Their contribution to the nurturing of both the spiritual and social needs of their communities is also remarkable. This qualitative research is based on semi-structured interviews and participant observation as research instruments to observe social events related to conflict and peace-building. Critical ethnographic and grounded theory approaches inform the methodology while drawing necessary inferences from relevant quantitative data. From this research, several key findings become evident: 1) CBO leaders have a high level of personal motivation and employ a wide range of tools, such as the social capital of their organizations, to intervene in social conflict issues for the purpose of peace-building; 2) of the three types of CBO (faith, ethno-cultural and NGOs), the Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs) are the most networked and involved in transforming social conflicts and contributing toward peace-building in Winnipeg; 3) some respondents seemed to indicate that not all projects are contributing equally in addressing social conflict issues; 4) social conflict issues appear to be rooted in an unjust social structure and a number of socio-economic-political and cultural policies; 5) research participants cited five complex, interrelated conflict issues in Winnipeg; 6) a grounded theoretical concept (Perception-Expectation-Frustration) was generated to explain social conflict; and 7) these everyday leaders are using a plethora of strategies as everyday peace-builders who are engaged global citizens, and citizen diplomats to create oases of peace in a society where people are struggling with social inequality, discrimination, and poverty in order to address people's immediate needs, promote awareness, and influence policy. In sum, the meso level CBO leaders perceive social conflict holistically and some of their peace-building projects may be contributing substantially towards a long-term process of social conflict transformation in Winnipeg. / February 2017

This study examined associations between conflict affect, resolution, and relationship impact in adolescent conflicts with mothers and friends. Participants included 231 adolescents who were on average 14 years of age. Over three consecutive days, participants completed a diary study in which they reported and described conflicts with mothers and friends. Path analyses were used to examine direct and indirect associations from negative affect and resolution to relationship impact contrasting disagreements with mothers and disagreements with friends. Moderator analyses examined whether patterns of association differed by gender or conflict topic. Findings revealed that lower levels of negative affect and higher levels of compromise were associated with improved relations for both adolescent conflicts with mothers and friends. Mediation analyses indicated that negative affect largely accounted for the association between compromise and relationship impact. There was no difference between mother-adolescent and friend-adolescent relationships in the strength of these associations. Gender and conflict topic did not moderate these associations. These findings are consistent with a larger body of research on marital relationships, which suggests that negative affect plays a key role in predicting relationship outcomes. Specifically, it appears that regardless of the amount of compromise, it is the expression of anger that determines whether a conflict improves or worsens a relationship. / bu Gwen R. Pursell. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2009. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2009. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo deslindar consensos e firmar interpretações para o \"fazer-se\" da cidade de São Paulo a partir da consideração das múltiplas dinâmicas, relações, estratégias, confluências e disputas que foram articuladas pela ampla gama de agentes envolvidos nesse imbricado processo. Não à toa escolhemos a Avenida Angélica, das décadas de 1890 a 1920, como objeto. Sobre ela incide na historiografia uma imagem monolítica, que reitera a explicação da modernização de São Paulo como a vitória plena e triunfante de um projeto consensual das elites. Sendo assim, trata-sede um palco privilegiado para observarmos as tensões, fissuras e incongruências ocultadas por essa homogeneidade construída e darmos passos em direção a outros caminhos explicativos possíveis. Para tanto, nos valemos de vasto corpus documental que nos permitiu penetrar em diversos âmbitos e dimensões do processo de consolidação e vivência da Avenida. Através das atas camarárias, pedidos de obras, jornais e cartografias, adentramos em seu espaço-tempo a partir de quatro perspectivas: as agitações de seu mercado de terras e imóveis, os conflitos no estabelecimento de regulamentações construtivas, as ambivalentes experiências e expectativas diante de seu \"progresso\" e as múltiplas relações sociais, materiais e econômicas envolvidas no chão de sua vida cotidiana. Por meio dessas, descobrimos que ali, lado a lado com os anseios exibitivos e segregativos das elites e do Estado, habitavam as ruas, batalhavam por suas estratégias e direitos, desenvolviam suas vidas e erguiam suas residências os mais diversos membros dos setores médios e trabalhadores da cidade. Percebemos que os grupos e classes tampouco eram estanques, mas homogêneos e heterogêneos, fraternos e competitivos, de uma só vez. Isso porque os interesses públicos e privados de seus membros, fossem das elites ou dos menos apossados, variavam de acordo com as circunstancias. Essas oscilações nos anseios e nas conjunturas tornavam o \"fazer-se\" da Avenida um dinâmico mosaico de fronteiras. Limiares multidimensionais, que eram entrecruzados pelos universos das relações sociais, materiais e simbólicas. Longe de configurarem \"muros\", as fronteiras eram cambiantes e de consistência variada. Quando porosas, configuravam espaços de associação e negociação entre os agentes. Quando cerradas, tornavam-se limiares de rijos conflitos, disputas e tensões. Em suas bordas, encontros e desencontros conformaram um \"fazer-se\" irrequieto, plural e movediço. Longe de ser plena, a Angélica era uma encruzilhada, onde encontravam-se os desejos, táticas e práticas da ampla e variada gama de seus habitantes, configurando uma modernização ambivalente, plural, imbricada. Ao invés de unívoca e retilínea, era uma Avenida de mil vias tensas e entremeadas. / This work aims at establishing consensus and establishing interpretations for the \"making\" of the city of São Paulo based on the consideration of the multiple dynamics, relationships, strategies, confluences and disputes that were articulated by the wide range of agents involved in this imbricated process. No wonder we chose Avenida Angelica, from the 1890s to the 1920s, as an object. Under it historiography has a monolithic image, which reiterates the explanation of the modernization of Sao Paulo as the full and triumphant victory of a consensual project of the elites. Thus, it is a privileged stage to observe the tensions, fissures and incongruities hidden by this constructed homogeneity and to take steps towards other possible explanatory paths. To do so, we used a vast documentary corpus that allowed us to penetrate into various scopes and dimensions of the process of consolidation and experience of the Avenue. Through the city councils, requests for works, newspapers and cartographies, we enter into its space-time from four perspectives: the agitations of its land and real estate market, the conflicts in the establishment of constructive regulations, the ambivalent experiences and expectations before it\'s \"progress\", and the multiple social, material, and economic relationships involved in the ground of his daily life. Through these we discovered that there, side by side with the exhibition and segregative yearnings of the elites and the state, they inhabited the streets, fought for their strategies and rights, developed their lives, and erected their residences, the most diverse members of the middle and City workers. We realized that the groups and classes were not watertight, but homogeneous and heterogeneous, fraternal and competitive, all at once. This was because the interests, public and private, of its members, were of the elites or of the lesser ones, varied according to the circumstances. These oscillations in yearnings and conjunctures made the \"making-up\" of the Avenue a dynamic mosaic of frontiers. Multidimensional thresholds, which were intersected by the universes of social, material and symbolic relations. Far from forming \"walls\", the boundaries were changing and of varying consistency. When porous, they formed spaces of association and negotiation among agents. When closed, conflicts, disputes, and tensions became thresholds. At their edges, encounters and disagreements formed a restless, plural and unstable \"making itself\". Far from being full, Angelica was a crossroads, where the desires, tactics and practices of the wide and varied range of its inhabitants were found, forming an ambivalent, plural, overlapping modernization. Rather than univocal and straight, it was an avenue of thousand strained and interspersed streets.